Kaharap kita ngayon. Oo, ikaw. Ikaw na walang katiyakan ang ihahatid sa akin mula sa iisiang lunan sa loob ng kalawakan na aking kinauupuan sa sandaling ito. Ikaw na ang tanging ibinibigay sa akin ay ilang sinag buhat sa mga mumunting ilaw-dagitab sa kalayuan na aking nais paroonan nguni't hindi ko pa pinipiling gawin sapagka't nais kong lasapin ang bawa't sandali ng pag-iisa sa piling ng dambanang aking itinuring nang ikatlong tahanan.
At bakit hindi? Sa dambanang ito ay naranasan ko na at napagmasdan kung paanong ang parikala ng karunungan at kamangmangan ay nagiging magkasiping. Kung saan at bawa't kalatas na piniling kunin mula sa mga inaamag, bukbukin at kinakalawang na estante ay unti-unting inaagans ng mga dumaraang taon nang hindi man lamang nabubuklat ni ng mga mumunting kamay ng mga batang nagnanais sanang lamnan ng kahit kaunting hiwaga ang haraya ng isipan nguni't napipilitang humiga sa sapin-saping dahon ng balitang hindi nila nawawatasan, na malamang siya ring magtatanggol sa kanila sa mga elemento sa sandaling sila'y panawan ng huling hininga, masairan ng huling patak ng dugo pagkatapos ratratin ng mga gintong punglo ng mga halimaw na tuta ng "disenteng lipunan."
Naiisip mo't nawawatasan kung paano marahil luluha ang angaw-angaw na mga nanginginig na buto sa sinapupunan ng libingan, mga butong dati'y nababalutan ng laman nguni't ipinagsawalang-bahala ang kapangyarihan nila't kakayahang paligayahin ang bawa't nasa nito sa ngalan ng pagtatatag ng isang bagong paraan ng pag-unawa, na ngayo'y napahahalagahan na lamang ng iilang mga naaagnas na katawan, mga puting buhok, mga bukbuking mata, mga mapapait na kaluluwa, mga propetang alam na ang kawakasan ng daigdig nguni't mas sawimpalad pa kay Giovani Bernardone na ni walang kawan ng mga ganid sa parang na papangaralan.
Dama mo kung paanong ang bawa't pinakamaliit na butil ng buto, ang bawa't hibla ng tanso, ang kaliit-liitang piraso ng balat ng puno ay minsang isang bahagi ng buhay, bumubuhay, nagbibigay-buhay, at maaaring kumikitil din ng buhay. Na ang bawa't atomo ng buhay na minsang naging sa santinakpang ito ay kalat-kalat na sa lahat ng dako, na isa na lamang hiwaga ng pagkakataon o tanda ng muling pagbango kung dalawa sa kanila ay magkaniig pa rin sa loob ng mahabang panahon.
At nang mabaling ang iyong tingin sa isang mumunti't makinis na bato, ay napatda ka't napamangha kung papaanong ang isang mumunting bato ay mayroong angking taglay na pang-akit na, kahit sa isang saglit, ay nagawang dapuan ng tingin at bigyan ng paghihinuha ng isang nilalang na maaaring hindi niya makikilala ang pag-iral kahit kailan, at ni hindi rin alam ng nilalang na yaon kung darating ang panahon, sa paglilipas ng mga panahon, sa pag-uumpugan at pag-anod ng mga sedimento ng lupa't kabukiran, ay muling makasama ang batong yaon bilang isa na ring bato, habang ang mga bahagi marahil na kanyang pagiging ay naging ugat na ng buhay para sa ilang likhang kauri o nakakababa, isang palipasan ng mga walang-alam, o bahagi ng walang-kinikilala't walang pinahahalagaha't walang nagpapahalagang alabok ng kalawakan, na naririyan upang tayo'y paalalahanang tayo'y tao.
Hindi ko mapigilan ang aking sarili na manalangin.
Ikaw, ikaw na nagbuhat sa walang-hanggan at patungo rin naman sa walang-hanggan, kaming iyong nilikha na hindi magawang watasan ang iyong kawalan ng kakayanang maunawa ng pahat naming diwa, kaming iyong nilikha upang magbigay-pugay sa iyong pagkadakila nguni't siya namang nagpakababa upang kami'y iyong gawing kabahagi sa kawalan ng kawakasan, paano kami makakaalala na ikaw ang aming mula at tungo?
Sa isang mundo na kinikilala at nagpapakaligaya sa kawalang-katiyakan, sa pag-ibig sa karuwagan at karahasan, sa pagnanais lamang na maging iisa sa gitna ng karamihan, paano kami tutungo sa walang-katapusan mong anyaya kung ang dating landas ay hindi na makita, o kaya'y sa aming katigasan ng pusong pinipigilang iwasang makta upang tiyakang hanggang sa huling patda ng aming mangmang na pag-unawa'y ikaw ang aming libakin nang walang-wawa gayong kami naman ang may sala?
Ikaw na lumikha sa iyong hinirang na bayan, paano kaming hindi magdududa sa pag-ibig na iyong ibinigay kung kami nga lamang ang tanging pinagbubuhatan ng konsepto ng isang bayan? Paano mangyayari na ang aming pag-unawa sa emosyon at lahat ng abstraksyon ay hindi mauwi sa isang kawalang-pagpapahalaga, mga kawalang-kabuluhan? Paanong mabubuhay kung ang tangi naming paraan sa paglikha ay sumailalim sa pagbubuno at pagtatakwil ng sarili gayong sa paglulubog lamang sa sarili kami tunay na lalaya't magiging karapat-dapat mabuhay?
Hindi mo baga tutulutan na lamang na kami ay mabuhay nang walang-hanggan na walang pagkakakilanlan, walang pagkakaiba-iba, walang pagiging kundi ang daloy na pinapakilos at kumikilos sa paraan ant ngalan ng iyong mapagbuniy't mapagmahal na ilaw-dagitab ng diwa?
Katuwiran mo bang kami'y magdusa? O ang kami'y pumili sa wala upang sa wala'y makilala ang pagiging ng iyong tunay na pagpapala?
Thursday, June 25, 2009
Wednesday, June 24, 2009
WALANG KUMPARE (Part 1)
WALANG KUMPARE: An Analysis of Local Government Units’ Role in the Current Politico-Economic Crisis and How To Mobilize Against an Arroyo-sponsored Con-Ass
(First of a series)
Leon Trotsky once mentioned how, despite the growing apathy of many people towards political processes, the complexities of political participation loom above everyone and are desirous of including them in it. In a liberal-democratic situation such as which the Philippines possesses, there is this desire to stay away from being involved in governmental undertakings in the desire to undermine the intrusion to their private and personal prospects, unknowingly alienating themselves to the ideal of communal activity and, in a way, an affirmation of themselves. It is no surprise, therefore, that repressive regimes have done well in preserving this order of assemblages in order to perpetuate themselves into power and, therefore, maintain their definite advantage over the majority of the population of the country, recalling to mind the Thrasymachean doctrine of justice being the advantage of the stronger.
In this light, we can somehow understand why there is a growing feeling of distance, if not outright disdain, for participation in issues of national importance. With the current train of thought and ethic of living tending towards selfishness (historian Teodoro Agoncillo would lament that “ang mga tao pag gumawa ang iniisip lagi, sikmura” [they only think of work for sating themselves]), it is noticeable that concern or dependence on the government manifest somewhat solely on the issue of dole-outs and influence-peddling. Former Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac, now Secretary for National Defense, Gilbert Teodoro would share how his fellow citizens, being tampurista or sensitive, should be “give[n] importance… Personal attention means a lot… Normally I am asked for job recommendations, there are a lot of people without jobs. But sometimes they even ask me to talk to teachers to pass their children who failed in school.” (Coronel 2, 2004, 114). That our institutions are experiencing severe cases of red tape, bringing out disproportionate results, produce and ill-implemented policies, shows how it is somewhat necessary to get to the root of the current political culture, if at least in order to pave a way to temper down the negative effects and improve such cases.
Inasmuch as the socialist view of political engagement dissuades any fetish for the analysis of what can be conveniently termed, for this elementary writing, as “micro-politics,” taking into account the necessity of dissecting the miniscule units of the political order is imperative in our analysis of the Philippine state. With this, it is good and worthy to consider and review the proposition of Michel Foucault with regards to the peculiarities and pervasive nature of power in the post-modern societies characterized by diffused centers of power, which follows a
The disciplinary model being the dominant paradigm in postmodern societies, it is a useful tool in studying and, through this brief overview, dissecting the Philippine nation-state apparatus which is alleged to be composed of “feudal institutions, modern economies and post-modern perspectives.” Having a historical background of living as various petty kingdoms, with a paltry few analogies to the European fiefdoms prior to the centralized Spanish colonial government, they have been resurrected and inaugurated through the new provisions of the current constitution as Local Government Units (LGUs) starting from the provincial board headed by a Governor to the level of the traditional barangay. We might think of this public structures as created for efficiency and viability, but recent case studies (which will be shown in detail below) will show us that they have become highly infected, still, by the traditional modes of sovereign power due to the inherently sovereign means of governance practiced by local officials. That political patronage is still the norm in current modes of public administration shows us how our so-called “democratic institutions” have failed the desire and aspirations of the Filipino people for a truly representative, efficient and empowering nation-state.
In the recently-inaugurated desperate attempt of the current administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (through the machinations of their allies in the House of Representatives) to alter the Philippine Constitution through a Constituent Assembly (Con-Ass), various sectors, both private and public, have voiced out their dissent and indignation against this blatant disregard to legality and the will of the people. However, it cannot be denied that the uproar is still mobilized in the centralized urban areas where political participation at least has ground. Rural and recently-urbanized areas have yet to express such dissatisfaction, more so they seem to be beholden to the administration due in part to favours given and developmental practices “initiated” in shady and dubious means, mostly even detrimental to the national economy but such information withheld from the people.
We therefore have to acknowledge the fact that despite claims to the contrary and the countless compromises made, the government has been traditionally composed of the Filipino elite sectors, specifically the legislature where they are usually composed of select “male, middle aged, and college educated, most likely with a degree in law. [They have] previously held a local government post and is a member of a political family, with a sibling, father or a grandfather who has been voted into public office. There is one chance in two [they are] related to a former legislator... The typical representative therefore is not the typical Filipino, who is likely to be below 35, with a few years of high-school education and annual family income of about P 150,000.” [Italics mine.] (Coronel 2, 2004, 4). That it is already general knowledge how the phenomenon of elite exclusivity in the House of Representatives has seeped to the roots of local public administration demands a thorough survey of these various cases and thus, formulate means for action from and for the people to combat it and, if opportunities would allow it, overthrow such systems.
It is therefore our desire in this brief study to analyze the nature of Local Government Units and pinpoint their role in the current dysfunctional model of political patronage, nepotistic rule and inefficiently-sovereign systems. The issue on Con-Ass is an advantageous starting point from which we can begin making and propagating new modes of organization to assert democratic processes. Through striking at the root of the problematic patronizing tree, we can see how to exterminate extraneous non-democratic processes from our institutions yet still promote working and effective systems of governance.
(to be continued)
In this light, we can somehow understand why there is a growing feeling of distance, if not outright disdain, for participation in issues of national importance. With the current train of thought and ethic of living tending towards selfishness (historian Teodoro Agoncillo would lament that “ang mga tao pag gumawa ang iniisip lagi, sikmura” [they only think of work for sating themselves]), it is noticeable that concern or dependence on the government manifest somewhat solely on the issue of dole-outs and influence-peddling. Former Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac, now Secretary for National Defense, Gilbert Teodoro would share how his fellow citizens, being tampurista or sensitive, should be “give[n] importance… Personal attention means a lot… Normally I am asked for job recommendations, there are a lot of people without jobs. But sometimes they even ask me to talk to teachers to pass their children who failed in school.” (Coronel 2, 2004, 114). That our institutions are experiencing severe cases of red tape, bringing out disproportionate results, produce and ill-implemented policies, shows how it is somewhat necessary to get to the root of the current political culture, if at least in order to pave a way to temper down the negative effects and improve such cases.
Inasmuch as the socialist view of political engagement dissuades any fetish for the analysis of what can be conveniently termed, for this elementary writing, as “micro-politics,” taking into account the necessity of dissecting the miniscule units of the political order is imperative in our analysis of the Philippine state. With this, it is good and worthy to consider and review the proposition of Michel Foucault with regards to the peculiarities and pervasive nature of power in the post-modern societies characterized by diffused centers of power, which follows a
…micro-physics presupposes that the power exercised on the body is conceived not as a property, but as a strategy, that its effects of domination are attributed not to ‘appropriation’, but to dispositions, manoeuvres, tactics, techniques, functionings; that one should decipher in it a network of relations, constantly in tension, in activity, rather than a privilege that one might possess; that one should take as its model a perpetual battle rather than a contract regulating a transaction or the conquest of a territory. (Foucault 1978, 26)
The disciplinary model being the dominant paradigm in postmodern societies, it is a useful tool in studying and, through this brief overview, dissecting the Philippine nation-state apparatus which is alleged to be composed of “feudal institutions, modern economies and post-modern perspectives.” Having a historical background of living as various petty kingdoms, with a paltry few analogies to the European fiefdoms prior to the centralized Spanish colonial government, they have been resurrected and inaugurated through the new provisions of the current constitution as Local Government Units (LGUs) starting from the provincial board headed by a Governor to the level of the traditional barangay. We might think of this public structures as created for efficiency and viability, but recent case studies (which will be shown in detail below) will show us that they have become highly infected, still, by the traditional modes of sovereign power due to the inherently sovereign means of governance practiced by local officials. That political patronage is still the norm in current modes of public administration shows us how our so-called “democratic institutions” have failed the desire and aspirations of the Filipino people for a truly representative, efficient and empowering nation-state.
In the recently-inaugurated desperate attempt of the current administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (through the machinations of their allies in the House of Representatives) to alter the Philippine Constitution through a Constituent Assembly (Con-Ass), various sectors, both private and public, have voiced out their dissent and indignation against this blatant disregard to legality and the will of the people. However, it cannot be denied that the uproar is still mobilized in the centralized urban areas where political participation at least has ground. Rural and recently-urbanized areas have yet to express such dissatisfaction, more so they seem to be beholden to the administration due in part to favours given and developmental practices “initiated” in shady and dubious means, mostly even detrimental to the national economy but such information withheld from the people.
We therefore have to acknowledge the fact that despite claims to the contrary and the countless compromises made, the government has been traditionally composed of the Filipino elite sectors, specifically the legislature where they are usually composed of select “male, middle aged, and college educated, most likely with a degree in law. [They have] previously held a local government post and is a member of a political family, with a sibling, father or a grandfather who has been voted into public office. There is one chance in two [they are] related to a former legislator... The typical representative therefore is not the typical Filipino, who is likely to be below 35, with a few years of high-school education and annual family income of about P 150,000.” [Italics mine.] (Coronel 2, 2004, 4). That it is already general knowledge how the phenomenon of elite exclusivity in the House of Representatives has seeped to the roots of local public administration demands a thorough survey of these various cases and thus, formulate means for action from and for the people to combat it and, if opportunities would allow it, overthrow such systems.
It is therefore our desire in this brief study to analyze the nature of Local Government Units and pinpoint their role in the current dysfunctional model of political patronage, nepotistic rule and inefficiently-sovereign systems. The issue on Con-Ass is an advantageous starting point from which we can begin making and propagating new modes of organization to assert democratic processes. Through striking at the root of the problematic patronizing tree, we can see how to exterminate extraneous non-democratic processes from our institutions yet still promote working and effective systems of governance.
(to be continued)
References:
Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Translated from the French by Alan Sheridan. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977).
Coronel, Shiela S. “Houses of Privilege” in The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born Dominate Congress. By Shiela S. Coronel, Yvonne T. Chua, Luz Rimban, Booma B. Cruz. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004, 3-43. (cited as Coronel 1).
_____________. “Born to Rule” in The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born Dominate Congress. By Shiela S. Coronel, Yvonne T. Chua, Luz Rimban, Booma B. Cruz. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004, 44-117. (cited as Coronel 2).
Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Translated from the French by Alan Sheridan. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977).
Coronel, Shiela S. “Houses of Privilege” in The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born Dominate Congress. By Shiela S. Coronel, Yvonne T. Chua, Luz Rimban, Booma B. Cruz. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004, 3-43. (cited as Coronel 1).
_____________. “Born to Rule” in The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born Dominate Congress. By Shiela S. Coronel, Yvonne T. Chua, Luz Rimban, Booma B. Cruz. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004, 44-117. (cited as Coronel 2).
Sunday, June 14, 2009
The Assembly ACCD's Newsletter: UMALAHOKAN Vol. 2, Issue 1
Entitled UMALAHOKAN, in honor of the precolonial Filipino clarion caller, this Newsletter intends to show updates within The Assembly 's Academics and Curricular Concerns Department, as well as invite people to our endeavors.
For this year's first issue, we intend to give everybody, especially the Freshmen (in light of a delayed OrSem), how to familiarize oneself with the surroundings of the Loyola Schools, as well as share a few tips on beginning a new semester.
We have also included an "Important Dates" section to remind everybody of their requirements and probable obligations. More on these (and better tailored to academic requirements) on the upcoming issues.
Hope you enjoy it! We would like to hear your feedback! Just reply to boukenshiruva@yahoo.com or drop by The Assembly office at MVP 303.
Saturday, June 6, 2009
We Remember Ka Rene, We Will Never Forget Your Crimes
I have just woken up from a long slumber and I never expected receiving such an outrageous profanity as this. We received an update from Ateneo Sanggunian's President for AY 08-09 Omar Castanar with regards to a tragedy that struck our beloved farmers fighting for CARPER.
At 5:39AM today, I received a devastating text message from Ate Jane of KAISAHAN:
Ka Rene Penas, farmer leader and paralegal from Sumilao, was ambushed at around 11pm last night, 5June. He was on his way home when he was shot. We are condemning this brutal death of a leader who lived a life fighting for agrarian reform and social justice: for their land in Sumilao, for other land cases, and for CARPER. Pls pray for his loved ones and for justice to be served.
Grabe! Sumosobra na sila! P*t*ng*na naman! Paano na ang asawa't mga anak ni Ka Rene? Kung akala nila manghihina ang loob ng mga magsasakang humahanap ng katarungan dahil sa pagkamatay ng isa sa kanilang mga pinuno, nagkakamali sila! Lalo lang nilang ginalit ang mga magsasakang matagal nang nagtitiis sa hirap!
Ka Rene, kung nasaan ka man, nawa ay maging masaya ka. Itutuloy po namin ang laban na inyong sinimulan noong ikaw ay nabubuhay pa.
Nawa ang kapayapaan ng Panginoon ay sumaiyo.
According to Ate Jane, the body of Ka Rene is still in the very spot where he was shot down last night in Sumilao, Bukidnon. The SOCO (Scene of the Crime Operative) has yet to remove his body.
Such things remind me and affirms my belief in the futility of putting faith in a system more so an institution, which only occassionally throws scraps at the impoverished, dying masses. I condemn all institutions which were supposed to protect its citizens standing for justice but, instead, proscribes them as threats to their opulent life. I accuse the vicious and venal opponents of land reform and social justice of once more shedding innocent and honorable blood.
We remember his efforts, his kindness and his tireless crusade against inequality and championing the right of the peasantry. We will remember for years to come his desire for a country which fosters the need of its citizens, is for its citizens, and by its citizens.
We shall never forget this sacrifice, and we shall never forget this calumny.
WE SHALL OVERCOME! WE SHALL SOON BE FREE!
We remember his efforts, his kindness and his tireless crusade against inequality and championing the right of the peasantry. We will remember for years to come his desire for a country which fosters the need of its citizens, is for its citizens, and by its citizens.
We shall never forget this sacrifice, and we shall never forget this calumny.
WE SHALL OVERCOME! WE SHALL SOON BE FREE!
Friday, June 5, 2009
Dillemma of the Enlightened Youth
Thou hast been cast in the barren field
To sprout and shout the glory heralded
In a world ere long bound in conflict
Wishing to heal sores, wounds unlicked
We have emerged from the world of family
Schooled and made to value only amity
Deemed to pass on the name and holding
Oblivious to worries of the world unfolding.
Yet we have been, as Siddharta, disillusioned
Exposed to fears, calumnies never envisioned
How then can impure, naive hearts stand idle
When dignity calls for purging fires be kindled?
Only through a holocaust, then may we throw
Our bodies, hearts and penitent souls overflow
That the old priest who desires a vain old hope
May see this country in light, finally enveloped.
To sprout and shout the glory heralded
In a world ere long bound in conflict
Wishing to heal sores, wounds unlicked
We have emerged from the world of family
Schooled and made to value only amity
Deemed to pass on the name and holding
Oblivious to worries of the world unfolding.
Yet we have been, as Siddharta, disillusioned
Exposed to fears, calumnies never envisioned
How then can impure, naive hearts stand idle
When dignity calls for purging fires be kindled?
Only through a holocaust, then may we throw
Our bodies, hearts and penitent souls overflow
That the old priest who desires a vain old hope
May see this country in light, finally enveloped.
Thursday, June 4, 2009
The Confucian Step 1: Ateneo's CON ASK, 5-04-2009
This afternoon, within 4:00 to 7:00 PM, a manifestation of outrage, with relative numbers, has been carried out against the evil that is House Resolution 1109, supposedly converting the House of Un-Representatives convening at the Bastusang Pambansa as a Constituent Assembly. Much has been made, said and validated with regards to these events, and it has proven what a disgusted Representative Teodoro Locsin Jr. of Makati stated: "ridicule has been brought down at this House." And ridicule and indignation it has reaped from the socially-aware and politically-responsible students of the Loyola Schools, Ateneo de Manila University who participated in the forum arranged by the Busina Network, entitled "Con Ask: Possibilities and Challenges."
This blogger will be relatively neutral (with a few occasional biting bias markers) for today in my desire to present, as accurately as I can, the opinions and scenarios proposed by the speakers comprised of Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, Dean Emeritus of the Ateneo Law School, former DPWH secretary Corazon "Dinky" Juliano-Soliman and Representative Teofisto "TG" Guingona III. (My own take on these events, of course, will be done as soon as I have fixed my academic requirements for the upcoming 1st Semester within next week.):
Premeditated "Constitutional Bukkake"
Fr. Bernas contextualizes how the 1987 Constitution is in itself a paradoxical law. It roots from the 1935 Constitution which has been amended 3 times (with only the provision for female suffrage as the well-received amendment) and the 1973 Constitution which, he said nonchalantly, was revised "every other day" by our beloved and departed Apo (may his soul roast in Lucifer's spa). The 1987 Constitution was supposed to provide for a Unicameral Congress similar to the 1973 Constitution (in the name of efficiency and hopefully for equity) but the 1986 Constitutional Convention under Cecilia Munoz-Palma decided to revert to a Bicameral Congress, with a promise to revise the Unicameral provisions. This never came to be, and thus we have a Bicameral Congress operating under Unicameral procedures.
And therein lies the problematic context by which subsequent Congresses have been working on so far. In this light, compared to the 1935 Constitution wherein the House of Un-Representatives and the Senate are supposed to pass a joint resolution before convening themselves as a Constituent Assembly, the Unicameral provisions are supposedly allowing them to act as, strangely, separate chambers themselves. In effect, they can actually declare a Con-Ass anytime they would wish, which is precisely what they did. The problem, it appears, lies in the Constitution itself, which recalls the case of the 1935 Constitution's fatal flaw:
Explainer Manuel Quezon III himself puts it in his column "The phoney war":
Morga Facing the Dutch
Representative TG Guingona confirmed an astute observation and suspicion the eyewitnesses in the proceedings at the Bastusang Pambansa shared: THERE WERE LIKELY MARCHING ORDERS FROM THE HIGHER-UPS IN MALACANAN as to why and how a stupid "viva voce" was carried out.
He outlines how (1) Con-Ass will be the first step in a "GLORIA FOREVER" scenario and (2) there IS a MASTERMIND behind these. The strange signs of such in an already dysfunctional House was felt when almost all members of the House were present despite a long-standing tradition of lackadaisical performance and frequent adjourned sessions due to "lack of corum" ("kahit yung mga mahihilig mag-aabsent!"). After a measly 4 hours on interpolation as to the discussion of Con-Ass and the blatant side-lining of the then real agenda (CARPER), someone stood up and proposed "votation," which was approved despite the questioning of oppositionists. Rep. Guingona even says that this was likely due to Malacanang holding back the Country Development Funds (or the infamous "pork barrel") intended to "pump-prime the economy" but were now being used as bait to ensure the loyalty of the Un-Representatives.
Rep. TG Guingona visibly lamented how the Arroyo government has "succeeded in destroying so many government institutions." He does, however, jubilantly shares how CARPER was finally passed (the nature of which and my opinion to it in a later blog).
Footnote to Noise
The subsequent noise barrage, which lasted one-and-a half hour until 7:00 PM is a relative improvement from the paltry attendance which former noise barrages (save probably those for the Sumilao Farmers and the ZTE-NBN scandal) have been characterized. More students and Ateneo personnel were involved and far more vocal in their condemnation of the issue through jovial shouting, whistling and calling on the motorists to sound their horns. Despite a slight disturbance in traffic (which probably prompted the Quezon City police to appear on scene, with one carrying a visible M16), the event proceeded and ended as serenely as it bursted from the rain-drenched sidewalks of Katipunan.
Many believe and hope that this event will be just one and the beginning of the many more mobilizations the Ateneo de Manila University will be participating with. Meetings are already headway and another wide rally is scheduled to be carried out in Makati this coming July 10.
The parliamentary of the streets, contrary to the gloating neo-liberal proponents, is resurfacing alive, well, and raring to confront all ramparts daring to endanger democracy.
Complementary Sources:
The 1935 Philippine Constitution
Quezon, Manuel III. "The phoney war." Philippine Daily Inquirer. (accessed July 4, 2009)
Special thanks to Ms. Marcia Czarina Corazon Medina for sharing Dinky Soliman's email on the possible scenarios to Con-Ass, and to Twitter user caffeinesparks for her twits while CON ASK was occuring.
I express personally my gratitude, as a member of the Busina Network, to all organizers, supporters and, most importantly, fellow Filipinos, netizens and Ateneans who came to show that democracy will never be killed in this country. TULOY ANG LABAN!
This blogger will be relatively neutral (with a few occasional biting bias markers) for today in my desire to present, as accurately as I can, the opinions and scenarios proposed by the speakers comprised of Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, Dean Emeritus of the Ateneo Law School, former DPWH secretary Corazon "Dinky" Juliano-Soliman and Representative Teofisto "TG" Guingona III. (My own take on these events, of course, will be done as soon as I have fixed my academic requirements for the upcoming 1st Semester within next week.):
Premeditated "Constitutional Bukkake"
Fr. Bernas contextualizes how the 1987 Constitution is in itself a paradoxical law. It roots from the 1935 Constitution which has been amended 3 times (with only the provision for female suffrage as the well-received amendment) and the 1973 Constitution which, he said nonchalantly, was revised "every other day" by our beloved and departed Apo (may his soul roast in Lucifer's spa). The 1987 Constitution was supposed to provide for a Unicameral Congress similar to the 1973 Constitution (in the name of efficiency and hopefully for equity) but the 1986 Constitutional Convention under Cecilia Munoz-Palma decided to revert to a Bicameral Congress, with a promise to revise the Unicameral provisions. This never came to be, and thus we have a Bicameral Congress operating under Unicameral procedures.
And therein lies the problematic context by which subsequent Congresses have been working on so far. In this light, compared to the 1935 Constitution wherein the House of Un-Representatives and the Senate are supposed to pass a joint resolution before convening themselves as a Constituent Assembly, the Unicameral provisions are supposedly allowing them to act as, strangely, separate chambers themselves. In effect, they can actually declare a Con-Ass anytime they would wish, which is precisely what they did. The problem, it appears, lies in the Constitution itself, which recalls the case of the 1935 Constitution's fatal flaw:
The President shall be commander-in-chief of all armed forces of the Philippines, and, whenever it becomes necessary, he may call out such armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion, insurrection, or rebellion. In case of invasion, insurrection, or rebellion or imminent danger thereof, when the public safety requires it, he may suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or place the Philippines or any part thereof under Martial Law.The lack of a timeframe by how long it could be maintained paved the way for our dear Apo (may his soul roast in Lucifer's spa) to remain way past his term limit in 1972. In a way, therefore, what our Un-Representatives attempted to do last Tuesday through HR 1109 was simply a carbon copy of what Marcos did through Proclamation 1081: giving it a semblance of legality. As Fr. Bernas himself put it, they simply announced: "Ladies and gentlemen, we are going to violate the constitution.” Which, unfortunately, was a contradiction in itself.Section 10.2, Article VII, 1935 Constitution
Explainer Manuel Quezon III himself puts it in his column "The phoney war":
Whether or not the Supremes would actually tailor-fit a decision to suit the Frankenstein majority is beside the point; since politics is perception, the perception that would be fueled by the Supremes actually tackling a complaint concerning the House’s constitutional flatulence would provide the Frankenstein majority with a legal deodorant. You see, it will declare, we didn’t fart. We smell like roses.
This is the dilemma confronting the Senate, for one. No one wants to be the Oliver Lozano of this issue, although the lesson of the past few years is that even if Oliver Lozano isn’t around, someone would invent one. Ask Roel Polido.
The House could have called the Senate’s bluff and passed a proper bill, proposing a constitutional convention every bit as open-ended as HR 1109 is. Instead it is proposing nothing but an excuse to get the Supreme Court to say the House, if it has the numbers, can ignore the Senate in proposing amendments.
That’s what’s wrong with what the Frankenstein majority did on Tuesday. There’s nothing intrinsically wrong with proposing amendments, except that the House hasn’t proposed any amendments. What it has proposed is that it can go it alone, never mind if public opinion and our experience with bicameralism for generations says this is impossible.
And yet, the Frankenstein majority pleads for the issue to be joined, saying it is undemocratic and even cowardly to back off from fighting it out. But it is a phoney war the Frankenstein majority wants to fight.
I’m not saying indignation is misplaced, or that we should just shrug off what took place in the House. But as Napoleon Bonaparte advised, “Never interrupt your enemy when he is making a mistake.”
So what should we do? Between now and July, the Frankenstein majority should be subjected to a rigorous quarantine. It should be ignored, legally; isolated, socially; left to its own devices, politically.
It wants a justiciable controversy? Let no one do them the favor, though there’s always the risk some paid hack of a lawyer will do so; but at least no one with even the tiniest bit of credibility did the majority any favor.
Nevertheless, despite this question of legality, Fr. Bernas acknowledges the threat of extension as very real. It can definitely occur if the Armed Forces of the Philippines (Gilbert Teodoro, LGen Victor Ibrado, anyone?) and the Supreme Court itself will "cooperate," though of course a much-maligned yet very potent course of action could make the latter think again: PEOPLE POWER. The Supreme Court experienced a rehash at the assumption of the Aquino administration; the current justices, if they have ambitions of tenure, might also be wary of incurring the peoples' wrath. "Tao rin naman yang mga yan e," as he remarked.
Directing the Picture
With the legal mashups of the order having been addressed, Dinky Soliman discussed FOUR possible scenarios which could play up in the advent of this declaration and the likely pushing through of HR 1109. As this has already been disseminated through the net, I take the liberty of copying it word-for-word (as it is precisely what she talked about anyway):In this situation wherein citizen education and mobilization is paramount, Ma'am Dinky advocated what could be the best means of dissemination right now: THE INTERNET. Acknowledging (I presume) the power and vigilance of Anonymous Philippines in documenting and propagating information to the minute of the event (largely thanks to the efforts of Twitter user caffeinesparks and Sir Manolo Quezon himself), at the very moment Philippine mainstream media was preoccupied with the tiring Hayden Kho scandals and the overhyped H1N1 virus, she calls for more updates, intensified networking and letting a thousand blogs and statements be unleashed. She saw how creatively the advocacy could be pushed through in this manner, though how to translate it into tangible and warm bodies for active mobilizations remain to be seen.
- House of Representative (HOR) will set the rules and procedures and proceed to amend the constitution acting now as a Constituent Assembly.After a period of time they bring the amended constitution to COMELEC to request for a plebiscite. A case is brought to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court decides that a Senate less CONASS is valid. Plebiscite continues, it is a yes victory and the election of May 10, 2010 is an election for a parliamentary form of government. GMA runs on a district in Pampanga. She wins and becomes eventually the Prime Minister.This scenario assumes that the outraged and protest from the citizenry is weak.
- HOR convenes as a constituent assembly; a case is filed in the Supreme Court and SC declares that Congress is a bicameral body therefore the Senate is needed. Election fever catches up.A presidential election is held in May 10, 2010.This scenario assumes that there is significant citizen's lobby to stop CONASS and chahcha. The citizen's actions is a major influence in the assessment and judgement of the justices in the Supreme Court.
- HOR convenes as a constituent assembly, there is building outrage from the citizens and more street actions are undertaken.Malacana ng rides on the anger of the people and organizes violent incidents that will then be the basis for emergency rule. This scenario assumes that citizen's actions are not organized and disciplined which creates the conditions for infiltration and manipulated violence from the enemies of democracy.
- HOR convenes as a constituent assembly; a case is filed in the Supreme Court, the debate and deliberation in the Supreme Court takes a long time and it gets overtaken by election on May 10, 2010. GMA runs for Congress in Pampanga she wins, the administration candidates win too. They get the Supreme Court go ahead and convenes a Constituent Assembly, converts Congress into a parliament and GMA is elected as Prime Minister. This scenario assumes that the 2010 election is dominated by the allies of GMA and her candidates wins. This scenario assumes that transactional politics was the dominant practice and cheating, vote buying and killing will be the norm in the election of 2010. This means the citizen's action was weak and we failed to educate and mobilize active citizenship.
Morga Facing the Dutch
Representative TG Guingona confirmed an astute observation and suspicion the eyewitnesses in the proceedings at the Bastusang Pambansa shared: THERE WERE LIKELY MARCHING ORDERS FROM THE HIGHER-UPS IN MALACANAN as to why and how a stupid "viva voce" was carried out.
He outlines how (1) Con-Ass will be the first step in a "GLORIA FOREVER" scenario and (2) there IS a MASTERMIND behind these. The strange signs of such in an already dysfunctional House was felt when almost all members of the House were present despite a long-standing tradition of lackadaisical performance and frequent adjourned sessions due to "lack of corum" ("kahit yung mga mahihilig mag-aabsent!"). After a measly 4 hours on interpolation as to the discussion of Con-Ass and the blatant side-lining of the then real agenda (CARPER), someone stood up and proposed "votation," which was approved despite the questioning of oppositionists. Rep. Guingona even says that this was likely due to Malacanang holding back the Country Development Funds (or the infamous "pork barrel") intended to "pump-prime the economy" but were now being used as bait to ensure the loyalty of the Un-Representatives.
Rep. TG Guingona visibly lamented how the Arroyo government has "succeeded in destroying so many government institutions." He does, however, jubilantly shares how CARPER was finally passed (the nature of which and my opinion to it in a later blog).
Footnote to Noise
The subsequent noise barrage, which lasted one-and-a half hour until 7:00 PM is a relative improvement from the paltry attendance which former noise barrages (save probably those for the Sumilao Farmers and the ZTE-NBN scandal) have been characterized. More students and Ateneo personnel were involved and far more vocal in their condemnation of the issue through jovial shouting, whistling and calling on the motorists to sound their horns. Despite a slight disturbance in traffic (which probably prompted the Quezon City police to appear on scene, with one carrying a visible M16), the event proceeded and ended as serenely as it bursted from the rain-drenched sidewalks of Katipunan.
Many believe and hope that this event will be just one and the beginning of the many more mobilizations the Ateneo de Manila University will be participating with. Meetings are already headway and another wide rally is scheduled to be carried out in Makati this coming July 10.
The parliamentary of the streets, contrary to the gloating neo-liberal proponents, is resurfacing alive, well, and raring to confront all ramparts daring to endanger democracy.
Complementary Sources:
The 1935 Philippine Constitution
Quezon, Manuel III. "The phoney war." Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Special thanks to Ms. Marcia Czarina Corazon Medina for sharing Dinky Soliman's email on the possible scenarios to Con-Ass, and to Twitter user caffeinesparks for her twits while CON ASK was occuring.
~O~O~O~
I express personally my gratitude, as a member of the Busina Network, to all organizers, supporters and, most importantly, fellow Filipinos, netizens and Ateneans who came to show that democracy will never be killed in this country. TULOY ANG LABAN!
Wednesday, June 3, 2009
MAKINIG, MAGHANDA - CON ASK: A Forum on HR 1109
CON ASK: A Forum on HR 1109
Possibilities & Challenges
The most recent passage of the House Resolution 1109 calling for constitutional assembly or con-ass of the House of Congress casts among many the feelings of doubt, fury, fear, and confusion as to the outlook of the country’s national governance. While the calling of such assembly legally speaking remains within the bounds of the constitution as of now, the public believes that there are more vital and critical issues that should have been addressed immediately such as the passage of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with Extension and Reform. Hence, this act by the congress, by all means, must be publicly scrutinized because of its many possible implications in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the country.
In view of this, we are inviting you to CON ASK: A Forum on HR 1109 Possibilities & Challenges on June 04, 2009 (Thursday), 4:00-5:30 pm. at the Colayco Pavillion, MVP Student Leadership Center, Ateneo de Manila University, Loyola Heights, Quezon City.
The forum’s main speaker will be former Ateneo Law School Dean and constitutional law expert Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J.
The forum will be followed through by a noise barrage to express our indignation on HR 1109 at Gate 2.5 of the Ateneo de Manila campus from 5:30-7:00 pm.
For more information about this forum, you may call us at 426-6001 local 4644 and look for Michelle Avelino.
Sandaang Taon
Titik at Musika: Danny Fabella
Boses at Gitara: Empiel Palma
Boses: Bayang Barrios
Dagdag na Boses: Jess Bartolome
Violin: Jonathan Urbano at Paul Allesa
Contrabass: Joven Tidon
Pinagtagpo tayo ng hirap at dusa
Sa isang panahon ng pagsisimula
Pinagbuklod tayo ng pagsasamantala
At ng mithiing lumaya
Ang bawat pagsubok ay ating sinuong
Sa bawat labanan ay laging pasulong
Tayong manggagawa'y magkakapit-bisig
Sa iisang kilusa'y tumindig
'Sandaang taon ng dakilang pag-kakaisa
'Sandaang taon, mabuhay ang pakikibaka
'Sandaang taon ng ating kilusang paggawa
'Sanddang taon sa pananagumpay ng digma
Pinapanday tayo ng mga tunggalian
Lalong pinatatag ng mahabang karanasan
Lakas natin ay mapagpalayang kilusan
Na hahawak ng kapangyarihan
At ating kasama'y mga magbubukid
At ang sambayanang hindi madadaig
Dudurugin natin imperyelistang ganid
Hanggang lumang tanikala'y mapatid
'Sandaang taon ng dakilang pag-kakaisa
'Sandaang taon, mabuhay ang pakikibaka
'Sandaang taon ng ating kilusang paggawa
'Sanddang taon sa pananagumpay ng digma
'Sandaang taon mabuhay ang manggagawa
'Sandaang taon mabuhay ang manggagawa
'Sandaang taon mabuhay ang manggagawa
Boses at Gitara: Empiel Palma
Boses: Bayang Barrios
Dagdag na Boses: Jess Bartolome
Violin: Jonathan Urbano at Paul Allesa
Contrabass: Joven Tidon
Pinagtagpo tayo ng hirap at dusa
Sa isang panahon ng pagsisimula
Pinagbuklod tayo ng pagsasamantala
At ng mithiing lumaya
Ang bawat pagsubok ay ating sinuong
Sa bawat labanan ay laging pasulong
Tayong manggagawa'y magkakapit-bisig
Sa iisang kilusa'y tumindig
'Sandaang taon ng dakilang pag-kakaisa
'Sandaang taon, mabuhay ang pakikibaka
'Sandaang taon ng ating kilusang paggawa
'Sanddang taon sa pananagumpay ng digma
Pinapanday tayo ng mga tunggalian
Lalong pinatatag ng mahabang karanasan
Lakas natin ay mapagpalayang kilusan
Na hahawak ng kapangyarihan
At ating kasama'y mga magbubukid
At ang sambayanang hindi madadaig
Dudurugin natin imperyelistang ganid
Hanggang lumang tanikala'y mapatid
'Sandaang taon ng dakilang pag-kakaisa
'Sandaang taon, mabuhay ang pakikibaka
'Sandaang taon ng ating kilusang paggawa
'Sanddang taon sa pananagumpay ng digma
'Sandaang taon mabuhay ang manggagawa
'Sandaang taon mabuhay ang manggagawa
'Sandaang taon mabuhay ang manggagawa
Tuesday, June 2, 2009
J'ACCUSE
I ACCUSE AND CONDEMN...
For perverting the process of democratic institutions...
For killing logic, sense and true political wisdom...
For excluding the people and continually keeping the people out in the dark and ignorance of their nefarious plans for the Philippine Republic...
For persecuting and silencing true, valid and just opposition against the outrageous farce they are doing right now at the halls of soiled, disgusting power...
FOR DARING TO PERPETUATE THE REGIME OF THE MURDERER-FASCIST GLORIA MACAPAGAL-ARROYO...
THE FOLLOWING NAMES BE PROSCRIBED AND CALLED "TRAITORS TO THE PEOPLE":
PROSPERO C. NOGRALES.
ARTHUR D. DEFENSOR, SR.
M . AMELITA C. VILLAROSA.
VICTOR F. ORTEGA.
SIMEON A. DATUMANONG.
BENHUR: L. SALIMBANGON,
RAUL V. DEL MAR.
EDUARDO R. GULLAS.
PAUL R. DAZA.
ERNESTO C. PABLO.
MATIAS V. DEFENSOR, JR.
ANDRES D. SALVACION, JR.
FRANCISCO T. MATUGAS.
JUDY J. SYJUCO.
ADAM RELSON L. JALA.
REYLINA G. NICOLAS.
PEDRO P. ROMUALDO.
HERMINIA M. RAMIRO.
MARIA MILAGROS H. MAGSAYSAY.
YEVGENY VINCENTE B. EMANO.
ALBERT S. GARCIA.
JESUS CRISPIN C. REMULLA.
VICTOR AGUEDO E. AGBAYANI.
DEL R. DE GUZMAN.
JUNIE E. CUA.
TRINIDAD G. APOSTOL.
LUIS R. VILLAFUERTE.
FERDINAND MARTIN G. ROMUALDEZ.
FELIX R. ALFELOR, JR.
ANTONIO M. DIAZ.
PEDRO M. PANCHO.
ANTONIO H. CERllLES.
MARYANN L. SUSANO.
NELSON L. DAYANGHIRANG.
MARIA ZENAIDA B. ANGPING.
ALVIN S. SANDOVAL.
CANDIDO P. PANCRUDO,JR.
EDGARDO M. CHATTO.
ANGELITO C. GATLABAYAN.
ROBERT RAYMUND M. ESTRELLA.
NARCISO R. BRAVO, JR.
ELPIDIO F. BARZAGA, 'JR.
RODOLFO G. VALENClA.
CARLO OLIVER D. DIASNES, M.D.
JECI A. LAPUS.
CECILIA M. SEARES-LUNA.
ANNA YORK P. BONDOC.
JOSE ANTONIO F. ROXAS.
ANTONIO F. LAGDAMEO, JR.
MA. VICTORIA R. SY-ALVARADO.
ANN K. HOFER.
MA. THERESA B. BONOAN-DAVID.
HENRY M. DUENAS, JR.
ALFREDO D. MARANON III.
ARNULFO F. GO.
GLENN A. CHONG.
EDWIN C. UY.
MARIA EVITA R. ARAGO.
ROBERTO V. PUNO.
TEODULO M. COQUILLA.
JUAN MIGUEL MACAPAGAL-ARROYO.
ARTURO G. ROBES.
DIOSDADO M. ARROYO.
RENO G. LlM.
NANETTE C. DAZA.
AMADO S. BAGATSING.
JOSEPH A. SANTIAGO.
ADELINA ROORIGUEZ-ZALDARRIAGA.
AURELIO D. GONZALES, JR.
MAGTANGGOL T. GUNIGUNDO I.
ANTONIO T. KHO.
WILFRIDO MARK M. ENVERGA.
CARMELO F. LAZATIN.
EMIL L. ONG.
RODOLFO W. ANTONINO.
MANUEL E. ZAMORA.
JANETT L. GARIN.
OSCAR G. MALAPITAN.
NICANOR M. BRIONES.
MARY MITZI L. CAJAYON.
RONALD V. SINGSON.
ROMAN T. ROMULO.
JOSE G. SOLIS.
VICTORIA H, REYES.
EDGAR S. SAN LUIS.
JEFFREY P. FERRER.
IGNACIO T. ARROYO.
RODOLFO T. ALBANO III.
JOSE S. AQUINO II.
NUR G. JAAFAR.
MARC DOUGLAS C. CAGAS IV.
EDELMIRO A. AMANTE.
MARK LLANDRO L. MENDOZA.
GUILLERMO A. ROMARATE, JR.
VICENTE F. BELMONTE, JR.
GLENDA B. ECLEO.
PHILIP A. PICHAY.
PANGALIAN M. BALINDONG.
ROLANDO A. UY.
ROGER G. MERCADO.
ROSENDO S. LABADLABAD
EUFROCINO M. CODlLLA, SR.
FLORENCIO T. MIRAFLORES.
FRANKLIN P. BAUTISTA.
JOSE V. YAP.
FLORENCIO C. GARAY.
THOMAS L. DUMPIT.JR.
FLORENCIO L. VARGAS,
ANTONIO C. ALVAREZ.
GENARO M. ALVAREZ, JR.
DANILO E. SUAREZ.
CARMEN L. CARl, LORNA C. SILVERIO.
RAUL T. GONZALES, JR.
HERMINIA B. ROMAN.
ROBERTO C. CAJES.
NIEL C. TUPAS. JR.
REX GATCHALlAN.
CARMENCITA O. REYES.
MICHAEL JOHN R. DUAVIT.
ABDULLAH D. DIMAPORO.
MANUEL S. AGYAO.
REYNALDO S. UY.
ELIAS C. BULUT, JR.
ISIDRO T. UNGAB.
ARTHUR F. CELESTE.
JOAQUIN CARLOS RAHMAN A. NAVA.
ROQUE R. ABLAN,JR.
FERJENEL G. BIRON,
MAURICIO G. DOMOGA.
VICTOR J. YU.
SAMUEL M. DANGWA.
PRYDE HENRY A. TEVES.
MANUEL N. MAMBA.
VINCENT P. CRISOLOGO.
SOLOMON R. CHUNG LAO.
THELMA Z. ALMARIO.
EILEEN ERMITA-BUHAIN.
MARINA P. LARETE.
CECILIA G. JALOSJOS-CARREON.
NARCISO D. SANTIAGO III.
VINCENT J. GARCIA.
JOSEPH GILBERT F. VIOLAGO.
YUSOP H. JIKIRI.
MARCELINO R. TEODORO.
DATU PAX S. MANGUDADATU.
JOSE CARLOS V. LACSON.
PABLO P. GARCIA.
EMMYLOU J. TALlNO-MENDOZA.
FAYSAH RPM.DUMARPA.
PABLO JOHN F. GARCIA
ROMMEL C. AMATONG.
ERIC D. SINGSON.
BIENVENIDO M. ABANTE.
RIZALINA L. SEACHON-LANETE.
FREDENIL H. CASTRO.
EDUARDO C. ZIALCITA.
MUNIR M. ARBISON.
SHAREE ANN T. TAN.
CESAR G. JALOSJOS.
ARREL R. OLANO.
AL FRANCIS C. BICHARA,
MA. RACHELJ. ARENAS.
ANTONIO V. CUENCO.
JAIME C. LOPEZ
ELEANDRO JESUS F.MADRONA.
MONICA PRIETO-TEODORO.
BERNARDOF. PINOL, JR.
EDGAR L. VALDEZ.
RAMON H. DURANO VI.
CONRADO M. ESTRELLA III.
NERISSA CORAZON SOON-RUIZ.
MARK O. COJUANGCO.
For perverting the process of democratic institutions...
For killing logic, sense and true political wisdom...
For excluding the people and continually keeping the people out in the dark and ignorance of their nefarious plans for the Philippine Republic...
For persecuting and silencing true, valid and just opposition against the outrageous farce they are doing right now at the halls of soiled, disgusting power...
FOR DARING TO PERPETUATE THE REGIME OF THE MURDERER-FASCIST GLORIA MACAPAGAL-ARROYO...
THE FOLLOWING NAMES BE PROSCRIBED AND CALLED "TRAITORS TO THE PEOPLE":
PROSPERO C. NOGRALES.
ARTHUR D. DEFENSOR, SR.
M . AMELITA C. VILLAROSA.
VICTOR F. ORTEGA.
SIMEON A. DATUMANONG.
BENHUR: L. SALIMBANGON,
RAUL V. DEL MAR.
EDUARDO R. GULLAS.
PAUL R. DAZA.
ERNESTO C. PABLO.
MATIAS V. DEFENSOR, JR.
ANDRES D. SALVACION, JR.
FRANCISCO T. MATUGAS.
JUDY J. SYJUCO.
ADAM RELSON L. JALA.
REYLINA G. NICOLAS.
PEDRO P. ROMUALDO.
HERMINIA M. RAMIRO.
MARIA MILAGROS H. MAGSAYSAY.
YEVGENY VINCENTE B. EMANO.
ALBERT S. GARCIA.
JESUS CRISPIN C. REMULLA.
VICTOR AGUEDO E. AGBAYANI.
DEL R. DE GUZMAN.
JUNIE E. CUA.
TRINIDAD G. APOSTOL.
LUIS R. VILLAFUERTE.
FERDINAND MARTIN G. ROMUALDEZ.
FELIX R. ALFELOR, JR.
ANTONIO M. DIAZ.
PEDRO M. PANCHO.
ANTONIO H. CERllLES.
MARYANN L. SUSANO.
NELSON L. DAYANGHIRANG.
MARIA ZENAIDA B. ANGPING.
ALVIN S. SANDOVAL.
CANDIDO P. PANCRUDO,JR.
EDGARDO M. CHATTO.
ANGELITO C. GATLABAYAN.
ROBERT RAYMUND M. ESTRELLA.
NARCISO R. BRAVO, JR.
ELPIDIO F. BARZAGA, 'JR.
RODOLFO G. VALENClA.
CARLO OLIVER D. DIASNES, M.D.
JECI A. LAPUS.
CECILIA M. SEARES-LUNA.
ANNA YORK P. BONDOC.
JOSE ANTONIO F. ROXAS.
ANTONIO F. LAGDAMEO, JR.
MA. VICTORIA R. SY-ALVARADO.
ANN K. HOFER.
MA. THERESA B. BONOAN-DAVID.
HENRY M. DUENAS, JR.
ALFREDO D. MARANON III.
ARNULFO F. GO.
GLENN A. CHONG.
EDWIN C. UY.
MARIA EVITA R. ARAGO.
ROBERTO V. PUNO.
TEODULO M. COQUILLA.
JUAN MIGUEL MACAPAGAL-ARROYO.
ARTURO G. ROBES.
DIOSDADO M. ARROYO.
RENO G. LlM.
NANETTE C. DAZA.
AMADO S. BAGATSING.
JOSEPH A. SANTIAGO.
ADELINA ROORIGUEZ-ZALDARRIAGA.
AURELIO D. GONZALES, JR.
MAGTANGGOL T. GUNIGUNDO I.
ANTONIO T. KHO.
WILFRIDO MARK M. ENVERGA.
CARMELO F. LAZATIN.
EMIL L. ONG.
RODOLFO W. ANTONINO.
MANUEL E. ZAMORA.
JANETT L. GARIN.
OSCAR G. MALAPITAN.
NICANOR M. BRIONES.
MARY MITZI L. CAJAYON.
RONALD V. SINGSON.
ROMAN T. ROMULO.
JOSE G. SOLIS.
VICTORIA H, REYES.
EDGAR S. SAN LUIS.
JEFFREY P. FERRER.
IGNACIO T. ARROYO.
RODOLFO T. ALBANO III.
JOSE S. AQUINO II.
NUR G. JAAFAR.
MARC DOUGLAS C. CAGAS IV.
EDELMIRO A. AMANTE.
MARK LLANDRO L. MENDOZA.
GUILLERMO A. ROMARATE, JR.
VICENTE F. BELMONTE, JR.
GLENDA B. ECLEO.
PHILIP A. PICHAY.
PANGALIAN M. BALINDONG.
ROLANDO A. UY.
ROGER G. MERCADO.
ROSENDO S. LABADLABAD
EUFROCINO M. CODlLLA, SR.
FLORENCIO T. MIRAFLORES.
FRANKLIN P. BAUTISTA.
JOSE V. YAP.
FLORENCIO C. GARAY.
THOMAS L. DUMPIT.JR.
FLORENCIO L. VARGAS,
ANTONIO C. ALVAREZ.
GENARO M. ALVAREZ, JR.
DANILO E. SUAREZ.
CARMEN L. CARl, LORNA C. SILVERIO.
RAUL T. GONZALES, JR.
HERMINIA B. ROMAN.
ROBERTO C. CAJES.
NIEL C. TUPAS. JR.
REX GATCHALlAN.
CARMENCITA O. REYES.
MICHAEL JOHN R. DUAVIT.
ABDULLAH D. DIMAPORO.
MANUEL S. AGYAO.
REYNALDO S. UY.
ELIAS C. BULUT, JR.
ISIDRO T. UNGAB.
ARTHUR F. CELESTE.
JOAQUIN CARLOS RAHMAN A. NAVA.
ROQUE R. ABLAN,JR.
FERJENEL G. BIRON,
MAURICIO G. DOMOGA.
VICTOR J. YU.
SAMUEL M. DANGWA.
PRYDE HENRY A. TEVES.
MANUEL N. MAMBA.
VINCENT P. CRISOLOGO.
SOLOMON R. CHUNG LAO.
THELMA Z. ALMARIO.
EILEEN ERMITA-BUHAIN.
MARINA P. LARETE.
CECILIA G. JALOSJOS-CARREON.
NARCISO D. SANTIAGO III.
VINCENT J. GARCIA.
JOSEPH GILBERT F. VIOLAGO.
YUSOP H. JIKIRI.
MARCELINO R. TEODORO.
DATU PAX S. MANGUDADATU.
JOSE CARLOS V. LACSON.
PABLO P. GARCIA.
EMMYLOU J. TALlNO-MENDOZA.
FAYSAH RPM.DUMARPA.
PABLO JOHN F. GARCIA
ROMMEL C. AMATONG.
ERIC D. SINGSON.
BIENVENIDO M. ABANTE.
RIZALINA L. SEACHON-LANETE.
FREDENIL H. CASTRO.
EDUARDO C. ZIALCITA.
MUNIR M. ARBISON.
SHAREE ANN T. TAN.
CESAR G. JALOSJOS.
ARREL R. OLANO.
AL FRANCIS C. BICHARA,
MA. RACHELJ. ARENAS.
ANTONIO V. CUENCO.
JAIME C. LOPEZ
ELEANDRO JESUS F.MADRONA.
MONICA PRIETO-TEODORO.
BERNARDOF. PINOL, JR.
EDGAR L. VALDEZ.
RAMON H. DURANO VI.
CONRADO M. ESTRELLA III.
NERISSA CORAZON SOON-RUIZ.
MARK O. COJUANGCO.
Monday, June 1, 2009
Bakit Hindi Sa Kongreso
Mga ilang pagkakataon na rin akong nasabihan at napadalhan ng mga imbitasyon at anyaya ng pakikibahagi sa mobilisasyon na magaganap bukas sa harap ng Kongreso. Bilang detalye, narito ang isang email na ipinadala sa akin:
JUNE 1-3, 2009
Student Assembly at the
House of Representatives
Assembly at 12:30pm
at Gate 2.5 benches
To urge our congressmen to vote in favor of CARPER and social justice.
KATARUNGAN. PASS CARPER NOW.
Contact RJ Smith at 09266894257 for details.
(Mga pasasalamat at pagpapaumanhin kay Bb. Rose Joy Smith sa pagsipi nito).
Ngayon, bilang isang manunulat at tagapagkilos (bilang kasapi't kabahagi) ng mga samahan at kilusan sa reproma't pagbabago, maaaring inaasahan akong sumali sa mga ganitong paraan ng pagpapahayag ng pangangailangan at pagpapahalaga sa ganitong kalalim na isyu ng pagsasaka at repromang agraryo. At bakit nga ba marahil hindi? Ginawa ko na ito dati, ginagawa ito ng mga kasama ko sa mga samahang sosyo-politikal sa loob ng Pamantasan. Mukhang katuwang, kabahagi at malaki ang maitutulong ko sa paglalatag ng bagong polisiya tungo sa pagbabago ng kalagayan ng agrikultura at ng liping magsasaka sa Pilipinas. At batay sa balitang nakalap sa araw na ito, mukhang malaki-laki naman ang pag-asang maipasa ng kasalukuyang Kongreso (sa pangunguna ng Senado [at sa pagsasatinig o pagpapasikat ni Senador Manuel Roxas II] sa pagratipika). Mukhang malaki-laki naman ang pag-asa sa tagumpay.
Pero IWINAWAKSI KO ANG KILUSANG ITO. BASURA LAMANG ANG PINAKAMABUTING MAIBIBIGAY SA ATIN NG SISTEMANG ITO.
Bakit ko ito sinasabi? Bakit ako tila ngayon kumakalas sa pakikibahagi sa laban ng pesante? Sapagkat HINDI ITO, WALA DITO ANG KALUTASAN. Narito't aking ipapaliwanag:
UNA. Kaduda-duda, sa ganang akin, ang mga polisiyang pinagtitibay sa panahon na malapit na ang halalan. Nakalulungkot man, hindi pa rin nag-iiba ang tinuran ng Editoryal ng Philippine Free Press noong Mayo 24, 1958 (na siya ring araw ng kapanganakan ng aking ina) na ang ating Kongreso (kung marapat pa bang tawaging Kongreso ang sambahayan ng mga payaso't ungas na lumulustay sa ating kabang-bayan para manood ng boksing sa Las Vegas) ay mayroon pa ring sakit kagaya ng mga karaniwang mag-aaral (na mayroon din ang mga Atenista): CRAMMING. Sa loob ng 3 taon na termino ng bawa't Kapulungan, wala silang ginagawa at sa mga huling 3 o 5 buwan na lamang ng huling taon bago maghalalan magpapasa ng mga batas na mahahalaga nguni't minadali na ang mga pagkakagawa. Dulot nito, hindi mailatag kung paano isasagawa at ipapatupad. Gumagawa lamang sila ng mga batas para bumango ang kanilang pangalan sa mga mamamayan na kailangan nila ang boto. Hanggang ngayon, sa ating pagpapalaganap ng liberal-demokratikong pananaw, hindi pa rin nagbabago ang kanilang pananaw sa tunay na papel ng mga mamamayan: "Philippine political parties have largely been patronage-giving and vote-gathering machines. Voters... are treated as passive entities waiting for handouts, rather than as citizens whose parties represent. (Ang mga partido politikal sa Pilipinas ay laging mga tagabasbas at tagapagkamal ng boto. Ang mga botante ay itinuturing na mga entidad na di-kumikilos at nag-aantay lamang ng pamudmod, kaysa mga mamamayan na kinakatawan nila ang mga interes." (Coronel et al. 2004, 62).
IKALAWA. Magpakailanman, hindi mauunawaan ni matututo ang karamihan ng mga sakim na panginoong maylupa na ang lupa ay isang bagay na hindi maaaring angkinin sapagka't ito, sa kanyang naturalesa, ay nilikha bilang tirahan ng lahat at hindi nararapat kamkamin nang walang masamang kahahantungan. Kinikilala mismo ng tagapagtaguyod ng CARPER na si Kinatawan Risa Hontiveros-Baraquiel sa panayam ng Philippine Daily Inquirer na kahit mayroon nang suporta ng 113 kasapi, na may 54 katuwang na may-akda at 48 na mga nangakong lalagda ang panukala, hindi ito makausad dahil inuupuan lamang ito ni Tagapagsalita Prospero Nograles sa udyok ng mga panginoong maylupa. Ikaila man nila, hanggang ngayon ay buhay pa rin ang kasuklam-suklam na maxim ni dating Kinatawan Hortensia Starke: na ang pag-alis ng pagmamay-ari ng lupa ay isang paglapastangan sa "karangalan" ng naghaharing-uri. (Coronel et al. 2004, 36). Hangga't matatag at malakas at matibay na nakaugit ang kapangyarihan ng mga maylupa't may mga negosyong kakabit nito na nagnanais magkamal, hindi maaasahang magbago ang sitwasyong ito. Maaaring sabihin ni Senador Roxas na "ipinapaubaya niya ang interes ng kanyang pamilya sa kapakanan ng mga magsasaka," nguni't hindi maiiwasan ang pagdududa dahil sa huling dahilang aking tuturan.
IKATLO. Sapagka't kahit man nga mangyari na na maipasa ang panibagong batas ukol sa repormang agraryo, asahan nang ito'y bubutasang muli at babalahurain para pa rin sa kapakanan ng mga panginoong maylupa't kanilang mga kasosyo. Hindi pa rin tayo tila natututo sa babala ni Padre Fernandez: '
Ang isang institusyong walang pagtitiwala at walang inisip kahit kailan kundi ang kanilang sarili ay hindi nararapat nang patagalin ang pag-iral. Hindi tayo nararapat magtiwala pa ni katiting sa ganitong institusyon sapagka't atin lamang pagtitibayin ang bulaang paniniwalang may magagawa pa sila. Kalokohan sa ganitong kalagayan ang sundin ang haka-haka ni Nick Joaquin na, kagaya ng Espanya na nangako ng panghuling-pagkakataong amnestiya sa hukbo ni Emilio Aguinaldo ay "wala na silang lakas ng loob na makipaglokohan pa." Ang isang bayang inilubog sa kamangmangan ay ulit-ulit na lilinlangin ng mga halang ang kaluluwang hinalal natin at pinayuyuko tayo upang tawagin silang "Karangal-rangal." KASUKA-SUKA!
WALA SA KONGRESO NG MGA PAYASO'T HUNGHANG ANG PAG-ASA SA NGAYON, KUNDI SA PARLAMENTARYO NG LANSANGAN. NASASA ISANG DIGMANG-BAYAN.
Mga Sanggunian:
Coronel, Shiela S., Yvonne T. Chua, Luz Rimban and Booma B. Cruz. The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born Dominate Congress. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004.
Joaquin, Nick. A Question of Heroes. Pasig: Anvil, 1977, 2005.
"Editorial." Philippine Free Press, May 24, 1958.
Rizal, Jose. El Filibusterismo: El Continuacion del Noli Me Tangere. Berlin: Boekdrukkerij F. MEYER-VAN LOO, 1891.
"Senate passes CARP on 3rd reading," ni Michael Lim Ubac. Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Pero IWINAWAKSI KO ANG KILUSANG ITO. BASURA LAMANG ANG PINAKAMABUTING MAIBIBIGAY SA ATIN NG SISTEMANG ITO.
Bakit ko ito sinasabi? Bakit ako tila ngayon kumakalas sa pakikibahagi sa laban ng pesante? Sapagkat HINDI ITO, WALA DITO ANG KALUTASAN. Narito't aking ipapaliwanag:
UNA. Kaduda-duda, sa ganang akin, ang mga polisiyang pinagtitibay sa panahon na malapit na ang halalan. Nakalulungkot man, hindi pa rin nag-iiba ang tinuran ng Editoryal ng Philippine Free Press noong Mayo 24, 1958 (na siya ring araw ng kapanganakan ng aking ina) na ang ating Kongreso (kung marapat pa bang tawaging Kongreso ang sambahayan ng mga payaso't ungas na lumulustay sa ating kabang-bayan para manood ng boksing sa Las Vegas) ay mayroon pa ring sakit kagaya ng mga karaniwang mag-aaral (na mayroon din ang mga Atenista): CRAMMING. Sa loob ng 3 taon na termino ng bawa't Kapulungan, wala silang ginagawa at sa mga huling 3 o 5 buwan na lamang ng huling taon bago maghalalan magpapasa ng mga batas na mahahalaga nguni't minadali na ang mga pagkakagawa. Dulot nito, hindi mailatag kung paano isasagawa at ipapatupad. Gumagawa lamang sila ng mga batas para bumango ang kanilang pangalan sa mga mamamayan na kailangan nila ang boto. Hanggang ngayon, sa ating pagpapalaganap ng liberal-demokratikong pananaw, hindi pa rin nagbabago ang kanilang pananaw sa tunay na papel ng mga mamamayan: "Philippine political parties have largely been patronage-giving and vote-gathering machines. Voters... are treated as passive entities waiting for handouts, rather than as citizens whose parties represent. (Ang mga partido politikal sa Pilipinas ay laging mga tagabasbas at tagapagkamal ng boto. Ang mga botante ay itinuturing na mga entidad na di-kumikilos at nag-aantay lamang ng pamudmod, kaysa mga mamamayan na kinakatawan nila ang mga interes." (Coronel et al. 2004, 62).
IKALAWA. Magpakailanman, hindi mauunawaan ni matututo ang karamihan ng mga sakim na panginoong maylupa na ang lupa ay isang bagay na hindi maaaring angkinin sapagka't ito, sa kanyang naturalesa, ay nilikha bilang tirahan ng lahat at hindi nararapat kamkamin nang walang masamang kahahantungan. Kinikilala mismo ng tagapagtaguyod ng CARPER na si Kinatawan Risa Hontiveros-Baraquiel sa panayam ng Philippine Daily Inquirer na kahit mayroon nang suporta ng 113 kasapi, na may 54 katuwang na may-akda at 48 na mga nangakong lalagda ang panukala, hindi ito makausad dahil inuupuan lamang ito ni Tagapagsalita Prospero Nograles sa udyok ng mga panginoong maylupa. Ikaila man nila, hanggang ngayon ay buhay pa rin ang kasuklam-suklam na maxim ni dating Kinatawan Hortensia Starke: na ang pag-alis ng pagmamay-ari ng lupa ay isang paglapastangan sa "karangalan" ng naghaharing-uri. (Coronel et al. 2004, 36). Hangga't matatag at malakas at matibay na nakaugit ang kapangyarihan ng mga maylupa't may mga negosyong kakabit nito na nagnanais magkamal, hindi maaasahang magbago ang sitwasyong ito. Maaaring sabihin ni Senador Roxas na "ipinapaubaya niya ang interes ng kanyang pamilya sa kapakanan ng mga magsasaka," nguni't hindi maiiwasan ang pagdududa dahil sa huling dahilang aking tuturan.
IKATLO. Sapagka't kahit man nga mangyari na na maipasa ang panibagong batas ukol sa repormang agraryo, asahan nang ito'y bubutasang muli at babalahurain para pa rin sa kapakanan ng mga panginoong maylupa't kanilang mga kasosyo. Hindi pa rin tayo tila natututo sa babala ni Padre Fernandez: '
... corruptissima in republica plurima leges, dijo Tácito. Para evitar un caso de fraude, se dictan un millon remedio de disposiciones preventivas é insultantes, que producen el efecto inmediato de despertar en el público las ganas dede eludir y burlar tales prevenciones: para hacer criminal á un pueblo no hay más que dudar de su virtud. ("Nagbubunga ng lalong kabulukan sa isang republika ang sanrekwang batas" sabi ni Tacito. Upang pigilan ang isang kasinungalingan, ibinibigay ang angaw-angaw na tagapigil o tagapagpahiyang mga kautusan, na ang kagyat na bunga ay buhayin sa sambayanan ang pagnanais na iwasin at libakin ang mga kautusang iyon. Upang gawing tulisan ang isang bayan, wala nang ibang kailangang gawin kundi pag-alinlanganan ang kanilang katapatan.) (Rizal 1891, 212).
Ang isang institusyong walang pagtitiwala at walang inisip kahit kailan kundi ang kanilang sarili ay hindi nararapat nang patagalin ang pag-iral. Hindi tayo nararapat magtiwala pa ni katiting sa ganitong institusyon sapagka't atin lamang pagtitibayin ang bulaang paniniwalang may magagawa pa sila. Kalokohan sa ganitong kalagayan ang sundin ang haka-haka ni Nick Joaquin na, kagaya ng Espanya na nangako ng panghuling-pagkakataong amnestiya sa hukbo ni Emilio Aguinaldo ay "wala na silang lakas ng loob na makipaglokohan pa." Ang isang bayang inilubog sa kamangmangan ay ulit-ulit na lilinlangin ng mga halang ang kaluluwang hinalal natin at pinayuyuko tayo upang tawagin silang "Karangal-rangal." KASUKA-SUKA!
WALA SA KONGRESO NG MGA PAYASO'T HUNGHANG ANG PAG-ASA SA NGAYON, KUNDI SA PARLAMENTARYO NG LANSANGAN. NASASA ISANG DIGMANG-BAYAN.
Mga Sanggunian:
Coronel, Shiela S., Yvonne T. Chua, Luz Rimban and Booma B. Cruz. The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born Dominate Congress. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004.
Joaquin, Nick. A Question of Heroes. Pasig: Anvil, 1977, 2005.
"Editorial." Philippine Free Press, May 24, 1958.
Rizal, Jose. El Filibusterismo: El Continuacion del Noli Me Tangere. Berlin: Boekdrukkerij F. MEYER-VAN LOO, 1891.
"Senate passes CARP on 3rd reading," ni Michael Lim Ubac. Philippine Daily Inquirer.
~O~O~O~
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)