Pagsalitain Natin si Rizal

Isang nahuling paggunita hindi sa pagkatao ni Jose Rizal kundi sa kung ano ang nais sabihin at iparating ni Jose Rizal

Buong buhay ko, wala kayong ginawa kundi husgahan ako, basahin ako. Kinuha niyo na ang lahat sa akin. Kung anu-anong hiningi ninyo, pero hindi niyo pa rin makita kung sino ako. Marami na akong ibinigay, bakit pati ang buhay ko? Patahimikin niyo na ako, para makita ko ang sarili ko!

- Jose Rizal, sa pagganap ni Cesar Montano

Sa pagkakataong ito, hindi ang aking mga opinyon o ang aking paniniwala, kundi kung ano ang paniniwala ng isang mamamayang itinuring nating propeta na magpasahanggan ngayon ay hindi binibigyang-halaga, ang bibigyan ko ng puwang.

Siguro isa sa mga unang matutuwa sa pagiging napakaligamgam (kundi mas malamig pa sa Snow World ng Star City) na pagtanggap ng ating mga mamamayan sa pag-alala natin sa araw ng kamatayan ni Rizal ay, kakatuwa, SI RIZAL MISMO. Marahil kung nangyari lamang na may sariling buhay ang mga namayapa na at uso ang internet doon, ganito rin ang iniisip ni "Lolo Pepe" ngayon (pasasalamat kay Bb. Pauline Oyco):

At oo nga naman, ano nga ba ang sinabi ni Rizal sa isa sa kanyang mga huling liham bago siya mamatay kahapon ng 7:03 ng umaga:

Ilibing niyo ako sa lupa. Lagyan ninyo ng panandang bato at krus. Ang aking pangalan, araw ng kapanganakan at ng kamatayan. Wala nang iba. Kung pagkatapos ay nais niyong bakuran ang aking puntod, maaari niyong gawin. WALA NANG ANIBERSARYO. Mas mabuti kung sa Paang Bundok. Kaawaan ninyo si Josephine.

- Jose Rizal, Sa aking pamilya, Isang liham na walang petsa.

Samakatuwid, bakit nga ba natin pa pinananatili ang pag-alala kay Rizal? Hindi na yata makatuwiran, kung tutuusin, ang tandisan pa nating suwayin ang habilin ng isang mamamatay kung tunay natin siyang pinahahalagahan. At marahil, siguro nga, iyon ang trahedya ng pagiging pambansang bayani ni Rizal. Sapagka't siya'y nakahabi sa pagbuo ng bansang-estadong Pilipinas, at sa kanyang kataliwas ding mukha bilang subersibo, filibustero sa halos lahat ng nibel, si Rizal ay hindi mangyayaring maging katulad nina Mahatma Gandhi at ni Jesucristo (kahit ito na ang paniniwala ng nauubos nang mga Rizalista). Si Rizal, hindi katulad nina Washington at kung sino pang mga kinikilalang bantayog ng kabayanihan ng ibang bansa, ay hindi tila isang dios, kundi isang taong katulad natin na maaari nating kilatisin, pulaan at, siyang tunay, di pakikinggan.


Unang Emo, Unang Pilipino

Si Rizal mismo ay umaaming marami siyang suliranin at paniniwalang tunay na humahadlang sa kanyang kakayanang kumilos bilang kabahagi ng isang pamayanang Pilipino. Makikita ito sa kanyang liham kay Ferdinand Blumentritt sa kung bakit pinili niyang kumalas na sa Kilusang Propaganda:

You would like me to write an article for Soli, but I must confess to you that my intention is not to work on any further article for that periodical. I could have told you this earlier, but I wanted to hid from you the disagreeable attacks against me. We have been through a lot together. You already write [for it], and I compeltely agree with what you can write. What Blumentritt and Rizal can do , Blumentritt can do on his own. I have suggested many projects, but they carried on a secret war against me; they call me "Idol," says I am a despot, etc., when I wished to get the Filipinos to work. They wrote about all this to Manila, twisting the facts, saying that I want this and that - which was hardly the truth. From various people I have learned that even before my Filibusterismo went to press, they were already saying that it was worthless and far inferior to the Noli. Many secret pettinesses are going on, as though they wished to destroy the little reputation that I have. I am withdrwing in order to forestall a schism: let others take the political lead. They said that Rizal is too difficult a personality; good then, Rizal goes his own way; obstacles ought not to come from me.

- Jose Rizal, Letter to Ferdinand Blumentritt: 4 bis Rue Châteaudun, Paris, October 9, 1891

At marahil ganoon din ang inasahan ni Rizal, na siyang makatwirang paliwanag kung tatanggapin din nating si Rizal ang unang emo. At bakit nga ba hindi mo ito iisipin: tandaang siya mismo ang nagsulat sa mga katagang ito sa pagpapalagay niya kung papaanong hindi naman talaga siya magbubungang malaki nang pagbabago:

Kung ang libingan ko'y limot na ng lahat
at wala ng kurus at batang mabakas,
bayaang linangin ng taong masipag,
lupa'y asarolin at kauyang ikalat.

At mga buto ko ay bago matunaw
mauwi sa wala at kusang maparam,
alabok ng iyong latag ay bayaang
siya ang babalang doo'y makipisan.

Kung magka gayon na'y aalintanahin
na ako sa limot iyong ihabilin
pagka't himpapawid at ang panganorin
mga lansangan mo'y aking lilibutin.

- Jose Rizal, Mi Ultimo Adios, sa salin ni Andres Bonifacio

Ganoon katindi ang kaemohan ni Rizal, kung tutuusin, na maski si G. Rolando Tolentino sa kanyang aklat na Sipat Kultura ay hindi napigilang mapa-"Chinkee mae!" sa pagiging desperado nguni't narcisistiko ng mga linyang ito. Sabagay, may kasabihan nga naman pala na halos lahat nga naman pala ng mga pilosopo ay emo, kaya pwedeng given na yun. Pero hindi yun ang punto natin. Natatandaan natin kung papaanong si Jesucristo mismo ay nagsabing hindi kulang sa pagdangal ang isang propeta liban sa kanyang sinilangang bayan (Lucas 4:24) at paanong pwede rin nating sabihin ito ukol sa ating mga bayani.

Nguni't marahil, ang mas matindi dito, ay ang balikuin ang kanyang mga sinasabi. At hindi baga ganito rin ang ginawa sa mga propeta't bayani kahit ganoon sila dinarakila: pinipilipit at inaabuso ang mga salita para gawing palusot sa mga kawalang-katarungang kanila mismong ipinaglaban? Ito mismo ang sanhi kaya hindi na natin maintindihan si Rizal, kung bakit ang pananaw natin kay Rizal ay isang malayong bituing hindi maaabot sapagka't siya mismo ay ginawang imahen ng mapanupil na estadong hindi niya sasang-ayunan. Hindi nga sang-ayon si Rizal sa pagsasarili ng mga Pilipino sapagka't "bakit ang kalayaan kung ang mga alipin ng kasalukuyan ay magiging mang-aalipin kinabukasan?" At hindi nga siya nagkamali. Kung papaanong binaliko ng Rebolusyong Pranses ang kaisipan ni Rousseau (liban na lamang kung naniniwala kang baliko na mag-isip si Rousseau sa simula pa lamang) at kung papaano binaliko ng Partidong Nazi ang pananaw ni Nietzsche, ganoon din nating inabuso si Rizal. At huwag na nating pag-usapan ang pagbaliko ng mga simbahan sa lahat ng mga kautusan ni Jesucristo.


Isang Pagtataksil

Mas masaklap dito marahil na ang gumagawa nito sa kanya ay ang mga mismong institusyong kanyang pinagtiwalaang magdadala sa kanyang paniniwala. Matatandaan sa isang talumpati ni Padre Bienvenido Nebres, S.J., Pangulo ng Pamantasang Ateneo de Manila, nang siya'y gawaran ng Orden ng mga Kawal ni Rizal ng Knight Grand Cross of Rizal noong Disyembre 30, 2006 ay kanyang sambitin kung papaanong:

Sometimes you might think that Dr. Rizal would have been like many of our political leaders today, maraming salita, kaunting gawa. Because he wrote and spoke so well. But in his four years in Dapitan, he was puro gawa, kaunting salita. He provided health care. He provided education. He built water systems. He taught technology in agriculture and fishing. He did many things -- with his own hands -- to create a better life for people...

Dr. Rizal understood that in Dapitan. In Spain and Manila, he wrote and preached against injustices. In Dapitan, he simply worked to create the foundations for a better life for the people. He may well have launched Gawad Kalinga a century ago.

Marahil may katwiran naman sa mga winikang ito, nguni't ang nagiging mensahe ay hindi ang pagbubuo ng komunidad, kundi ang pagtatayo ng isang pamumuhay na walang politika, walang pag-uusap. Sa pagnanais nating kalasan ang pangangailangan sa kultura ng aktibismo at pagiging mapanuri, itinanghal natin ang pangangailangang panlipunan higit sa lahat, na taliwas sa ating pagkilos sa demokratikong pamamaraan. Hindi ito ang sinasabi ni Rizal kahit kailan, at ito ang tinindigan ni G. Lisandro Elias "Leloy" Claudio, balediktoryan ng Ateneo de Manila noong taong 2007 at ngayo'y guro sa Kagawaran ng Pamamahayag sa sulating "Eagles without talons?":

This Rizal may well be the solution to our country’s problems for, as Nebres argues, today “there is so much talk and so little done.” Indeed, although a lot of Gawad Kalinga’s development approaches have been questioned, it is undeniable that it has contributed to the reduction of slums. Ateneo’s education programs in depressed areas likewise contribute to long-term national development.

But what are the implications of de-emphasizing political criticism in favor of immediate concrete action? Historian Floro Quibuyen argues that the image of an apolitical Rizal was used by the American colonial government to encourage Filipinos to cooperate with them even as they subjugated the country. Reminding Filipinos of the anti-colonial and revolutionary Rizal would have been unwise given their mission of pacification.

Similarly, in the context of the Ateneo, this Rizal and the framework of nation-building that it’s associated with has been used to question and erase the university’s long history of social and political activism. ...

This anti-politics atmosphere has made it difficult to forward issues of national concern in the university. I was witness to the lethargy of many students and teachers during the time when mobilizations were being made to protest the NBN-ZTE scandal. I saw how this withdrawal from issues of national concern influenced the moderate stance taken by the Ateneo regarding the issue of whether Arroyo deserved to stay in power. While basketball nemesis La Salle called for resignation, Ateneo called for reflection. An administrator personally rebuked me when I said the university should join the lobby for the Freedom of Information Act since it would allow the public to scrutinize shady deals like the NBN-ZTE. Won’t work, I was told; let’s just lobby for another disaster relief bill. It doesn’t surprise me, then, that in her final State of the Nation Address this country’s most despised president claimed the university and its president as partners in her goal of building a strong republic.

There is one major flaw in the university’s anti-politics framework: the claim that activism with its attendant criticism of national politics does not work. It does. In the 1970s, the “talk” of student activists (many of them Ateneans like Edgard Jopson) conscienticized an entire generation, exposing them to the ills of authoritarianism. It was a slow process - educating and opening people’s eyes takes time – but it worked. When the crowd in EDSA overthrew the dictator, it was a victory for those who fomented dissent. It was the legacy of the makibaka activism that is currently derided in the Ateneo. And lest we think that nothing was gained from EDSA, one should consider that we currently have a free press, participate in regular elections, and have a growing civil society. Political scientist Nathan Quimpo, for instance, claims that grassroots NGOs who engage in legal activities like aiding farmers in land reform cases were few and far between before EDSA. It was the revolution that opened this democratic space. Our system isn’t perfect, but it’s significantly better.

Ano talaga ang sinasabi ni Rizal sa atin? Ano siya talaga bilang ating pambansang bayani. Minsang sinabi ni Howie Severino sa kanyang dokumentaryo ukol sa buhay ni Rizal sa Europa na "Little Bad Boy": kung tunay ngang si Rizal ang ating pamantayan sa pagiging mamamayan, disin sana'y malaon nang maunlad ang Pilipinas. Magaling tayong mga Pilipino sa pagyayabang ukol sa ating mga bayani, nguni't ang isabuhay ang kanilang nais na layunin ay lagi tayong kapos. Hindi baga lalo tayong kahiya-hiya sa ating mga karatig bansang gaya ng Singapore, Malaysia (kung saan ang demokratikong dating diputadong punong ministrong si Anwar Ibrahim ay tagahanga ni Rizal at mag-aaral sa ilalim ng iskolar ukol kay Rizal na si Cesar Adib Majul) at Indonesia at maging ang Hapon at Alemanya, na ating tinutuya sa ating pangangayupapa sa Amerika, na kinilala si Rizal bilang mabuting halimbawa ng Ubermensch ni Nietzsche kahit hindi sila nagkita kahit kailan?

Hamon ng Pagbabalik-Tanaw

Muli't muli, nanatiling isang anino si Rizal sapagka't hindi tayo ipinapakilala sa kung sino talaga siya. Siguro, sa ating "nilinis" na paglalahad ng kasaysayan, hindi natin siya makikilalang kahit kailan liban na lamang kung tayo mismo ang kakalas sa ating mga muhon, at walang-sawang magkakalas sa mga karaniwan nang pinaniniwalaan. Minsang sinabi ni Michel Foucault na sa mga gawaang tagahubog (disciplinary structures) kumikilos ang tao at siyang nagbibigay sa kanya ng kakayanan, nguni't magiging tunay lamang siyang malaya kung kaya niya itong lusutan ang pasikut-sikot at siya mismo ang humawak sa kanyang pagsuong sa buhay, nguni't di nakakalimot sa gabay ng mga nauna sa kanya.

Si Rizal, bilang ating "Lolo Pepe" ay naglatag na ng daan sa ating harapan. Nasa atin ang hamon na balikan ang kanyang pinanggalingan, pag-aralan ang kanyang mga tagumpay at pagkakamali, at ituloy ang kanyang pagbubuo ng isang pamayanan. Nakakilos siya sa Dapitan sapagka't doo'y nagkakaisa at nagnanais ng pagbabago ang mamamayan. Sa isang panahong tayo'y pinipilit na isipin lamang ang sarili at ang pagpapanatili sa mga ito, walang magiging bunga kundi ang pagkawasak ng isang bansang ating ninanais buuin. Ang lahat ng ito'y ating pinagbabayaran sa katangahan ng ating mga magulang at ang atin ding kahinaan.

MARAPAT NATING SABIHIN, KUNG TUTUUSIN, BILANG SINUWAY NI RIZAL ANG KAUTUSAN NI DONYA TEODORA ALONZO BATAY SA KUWENTO NG GAMU-GAMO, NA TANGING ANG MGA BATANG PASAWAY LAMANG ANG MAAARING MAGDALA NG PAGBABAGO SA ATING BAYAN. ANG LUBOS NA PAGDAKILA SA PAMILYA ANG SANHI KUNG BAKIT TAYO HAWAK SA LEEG NG ESPANYA NOON. GANOON DIN NGAYON: SA SOBRANG PAGNANASANG PANATILIHIN ANG ATING MGA MAG-ANAK, NAWALA NA ANG ATING TUNGKULING PAGLINGKURAN ANG BAYAN. Hindi na nga bago, kung tutuusin, ang tula galing sa Ang Propeta ni Khalil Gibran na ginamit ni Lualhati Bautista para sa kanyang Dekada '70 (at siyang tula ng mga pasaway na batang aktibistang gaya ko):

Ang inyong anak ay hindi n'yo anak,
Sila'y mga anak na lalaki't babae ng buhay!
Nagdaan sila sa inyo ngunit hindi inyo,
At bagama't pinalaki n'yo, sila'y walang pananagutan sa inyo…

Tumigil na tayo sa pagsunod sa modernong panahon: winawasak lamang tayo nito. Panahon na upang balikan ang nakaraan, hanapin ang sagot sa mga katanungang nakalibing sa gitna ng mga alikabuki't nadudurog nang mga pahina, at muling kilalanin kung sino at ano si Jose Rizal: isang taong mahina, isang taong marunong magsalita't kumilos nguni't hindi marunong sa negosasyon, at ating sikaping higitan pa ito. May lakas ang Pilipino, may kakayanan at, katulad ni Andres Bonifacio na disipulo ni Rizal, MAYPAGASA.

At sa ganitong paraan lamang natin maiiwan ang isang ritwal ng pag-alalang hindi naman makatwiran at lalo lamang naglalayo sa atin sa kanyang diwa.

Anong gagawin mo kapag malaman mong sa lahat ng mga naisulat mo, kapag ika'y namatay na, ay wala ni isang makaalala?

Para mo na rin akong sinintensyahan ng kamatayan.

- Kathang-isip na pag-uusap ni Jose Rizal at ni Tenyente Luis Taviel de Andrade,
Jose Rizal, GMA Films

Pagsalitain Natin si Rizal by Hansley A. Juliano is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Philippines License.
Based on a work at kalisnglawin.blogspot.com.

We Worship in the Whispers: Why Prepare for Advent

In omnibus amare
In omnibus servire
In omnibus amare et servire Domino
In everything, love and serve the Lord

These words, sung by the Bukas Palad Music Ministry in their current album To Love and Serve (and which may also be found in the emblem of Ateneo de Iloilo), recalls in a sense the very manner of life by which we, as the people of God in this dispensation, should follow. Having been called through vocare, we are expected to be not only mindless followers of doctrines and manners of living that our beloved Mother Church has set for us, but also a life that has been well thought out and consulted with not only our spiritual guides, but also those we love and those around us. It is, in a sense, what differentiates the Christian religion amongst others: it is a religion based on immersing oneself in the world and speaking to instigate change, not mere meditation away from the world or a violent negation of the world (not that I disparage them, mind you).

It must be in this light that we see our duty as Catholics in a world that has, in Nietzsche's words, "killed God" by assuming His position, to disastrous effects. In modernity's understanding of life as mere supply which should be sustained but could be disposed of carelessly when the necessity arises, masking it with the honor and glory of the secular world but are as vain as the empires and temples of antiquity, we as members of the community of Christ should seek to engage those among us to rethink life as we know it and rediscover that which is age-old, but ever new.

For the past years, I for one have been struck by that jadedness that comes with our hyper-commercialize d, somewhat spiritually- devoid Christmases of years past. Despite the warming feelings of having friends be with me when attending simbang gabi, that feeling dissipates, ironically, when I come home to our ancestral home in the province. The ennui of the environment, the inanity of the situations by which I find myself in there, as well as the ill-behavior of some of our family members (even elders) somewhat intensified my antipathy to celebrating Christmas in the province, preferring to remain at home and live out Christmas Day like any vacation day, without fanfare and devoting it to my more pressing responsibilities like papers and the like, to the consternation of my parents. No matter how I try to psych up myself to behave like a good family member and join in the traditional family gatherings, I just felt out of place and view things as senseless.

I was only reminded of how wrong was this when I remember that homily of Fr. Vic de Jesus last December 16's Simbang Gabi mass, which once mentioned how our God is a God which takes his time, which chooses to speak one on one to those who are in need. Our God is a God who will not deny His time to those who need His Help, those who would be willing to stop and talk a while and get to know each other. (Yeah, I had to put it in.)

But probably that is exactly what we need. We've had enough of the parties, we've had enough of the wastage, we've had enough of all the fluff and the noise. It's about time we stop, talk to those who need someone to talk to, and then sort out the loose strings on our relations to each other. It's not my fault, likely, but it might be that my absence is why some of my cousins are suffering indifferences with each other. It might probably why my younger cousin is already a mother at the age of 17. All because I was not there to talk to. That over-quoted statement of Edmund Burke remains true: All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.

Fr. RB Hizon, Principal of the Ateneo de Manila High School, once mentioned in a homily last October 6 in the aftermath of Typhoon Ondoy:

Mother Teresa, I am told, once asked to address the American Senate as she and her sisters were looking for assistance to feed and clothe the big numbers of homeless in Washington , D.C. One high government official (who was not particularly impressed by her nor convinced that what she was doing was particularly good or helpful) wanted to embarrass Mother Theresa and asked her: “So sister, would you mind please telling us how it is you intend to feed the thousands who are hungry and homeless in DC?

Mother Theresa looked at him and said simply, “One by one.”

One by one. That is perhaps the best way we can respond right now…one by one…one student, one staff, one teacher, one neighbor…one community…one by one.

It's probably that reason why, despite all the academic work that has been thrown upon myshoulders by "challenging" professors (the term "inconsiderate" would be inappropriate I would presume), I shall still strive to attend to my duties to my relatives and friends. In that way, I would probably be able to deserve that name of Catholic that I carry. The best gift I would give to my family is that which is what I am best at: what I know and what I feel. After all, we also have for a God one who is not in the rumblings, but is in the silence or the faintest whisper:

And behold, the Lord passed by, and a great and strong wind tore the mountains and broke in pieces the rocks before the Lord, but the Lord was not in the wind. And after the wind an earthquake, but the Lord was not in the earthquake. And after the earthquake a fire, but the Lord was not in the fire. And after the fire the sound of a low whisper. And when Elijah heard it, he wrapped his face in his cloak and went out and stood at the entrance of the cave. And behold, there came a voice to him (1 Kings 19:11-13).

A merry Christmas to all.

A La Siete Serafinas

Because all of your perfections distract me from understanding God and His commandments to me, and because it can only be placated in a way my mentor devised.

The inevitability never denied it, me, and life in unanimous attractive tension: we're better off this way.

Callous heaven enacted, grant amends, rather couple incumbent anxieties: why do I still hope despite such vanity?

Just emit night's natal yearning, don't even linger aimlessly, 'cause rapture underlies zenith; you're still playing with my heartstrings unwittingly.

May angels ravage and judge our effervescent, tarrying apolitical reminiscing right at your offering; do you still share our struggle after all these years?

Such helplessnesses are caused of lingering love and demolished orations; I dream a lot about you every second.

Or yet abolish, mangle and negate zirconium aspirations, never open; simply because you do not deserve a fleeting dreamer like me.

And never grant eternity last, drastically, even at such inexplicable situations; let me call you the seraphim of St. Francis who swept me.

Isang Limot na Panata

Natatandaan ko pa ang ating kabataan na tayo'y tinuturuang panghawakan ang isang panatang makabayan, salitain ito bilang ritwal ng pagsasabuhay ng ating pagiging bahagi ng isang pangarap na pamayanan ng isang bansa. Nguni't sa isang panahon na ang ating salinlahi'y mahilig lumimot at takot harapin ang mga multo ng pagkakamali ng ating mga nakatatanda at ang ating sariling mga pagkukulang, ano pa ang silbi ng mga salita at pangako sa pagbabanyuhay ng isang bayang lugmok sa pagkakawatak-watak at kahirapang itaguyod maski sarili nilang mumunting purok?

Marahil panahon na ating balikan ang isang panata ng mapait, nagluluksa nguni't malinaw na layunin.

(Salin mula sa "Days of Disquiet, Nights of Rage" ni Jose F. Lacaba, pahina 146):

Itinatangis ko ang huwad na kalayaang tangan ko.
Ang kalayaang pautang sa akin ni Uncle Sam
Ay tinik sa aking lalamunan,
Sapot sa aking isipan,
Busal sa aking bibig,
Tanikala saking mga binti at kamay.
Nagluluksa ako sa pamanang dapat sana'y lipos kayamanan
Bunga ng pawis at dugo ng aking mga ninuno
Nguni't dinumihan ng mga maruruming kamay-piyudal
At ginahasa ng isang duhapang na panginoong mananakop -
Gintong pinaging tanso ng kapangyarihang dayo.
Lumuluha akong nagmamalaki sa bandilang sagisag ng kalayaang darating pa lamang;
Ginigising ang pinakamunting hibla ng aking katutubong dangal
na makipagbaka para sa pambansang demokrasya at tunay na kalayaan.
Naniniwala ako:
Na bawa't karapatang pinapangarap ko'y may kaakibat na tungkuling gagampanan.
Na bawa't pag-asang pinahahalagahan ko'y hinahaluan ng mga hamong dapat makamit.
Upang ang bayang ito'y maging tunay na nakapangyayari sa lupang ito,
Nagkakaisa, niyayakap ang isang buhay na nasasapat,
Ipinapangako ko sa alaala ng mga bayaning nagbuwis ng buhay noong 1896
Na ituloy ang himagsikang naiwan nila't di pa tapos!
Ginagabayan ng mga adhikaing tungo sa pambansang demokrasya ng taumbayan,
Pagtatagumpayan kong muli ang kalayaang inagaw sa akin ng imperyalismong Amerikano,
Wawasaking walang-awa lahat ng tanggulang piyudal,
At hindi titigil hangga't di ko maibagsak lahat ng kampilang imperyalista.
Sarili kong dugo'y aking ititigis, sariling buhay ko'y aking ipamimigay!

Kislap

Alay kay R.D. at ipinapautang ko rin kay Patrick Manalo para kay R.R.

Kayo pa rin ang hinahanap-hanap kong sibulan ng tanglaw
Kahit napalilibutan na ako ng mga de-kuryenteng dagitab
Kahit hindi nawawala ang mga sinag kahit sa kadiliman ng gabi...

Sapagka't kayo'y malayo't hindi naaabot ng aming mga kamay
Sapagka't kayo'y hindi nanununog ng mga kapitbahay
Sapagka't kayo'y nagpapaligaya sa napapanglaw na paslit
Sapagka't kayo'y nagbabantay sa mga kawawang yagit
Sapagka't kayo'y mga tuldok ng apoy na sakdal init
Na iginuhit ang larawan ng aking mahal sa langit.

Dahil kayo ang sibulan at tungo ng pangarap
Ng mga mundong papasibol at magbibigay-buhay
Dahil kayo ang hantungan at huling hinagap
Ng mga daigdig na patapos na ang panahon at alay

Kayong mga bituing walang magagawa
Kundi ang magningning at bigyan kami ng gabay na tala
Kayong mga bituing siyang nagtatakda
Ng tadhana ng wala, kundi ng alaala;
Sana'y ang isa sa inyo'y lumiit
At dumalaw dito sa aming daigdig
At hayaan akong siya'y isilid sa isang lamparang di mababasag
Upang ihandog sa musang aking nililiyag.

IN THE NAME OF PATRIA: Nationalism and Modernity as Haunted Romance

We agree that modernity, in its basic structurization of its understanding of history, is predisposed to deny the propensity of man to revert to an understanding of time as somewhat without bounds, determined by the seasons, without predictability and therefore should be viewed with caution and preparation whenever possible. Modernity, in seeking to make history its pet, has sought to fetter it with countless chains (reminiscent of Rousseau’s fatally misguided description of what supposedly the state of man is) to make it more understandable, more easy supposedly to understand, and to put it to its logical extremes, deploy it as a means of controlling warm bodies for the purposes of fevered brains. And it is in these fevered brains that are born the notion of a community beyond the local, what the national is deemed to be. Benedict Anderson opens the second chapter of his seminal Imagined Communities thusly (2006, 9):

Why this harkening back to the images of the spectre? Why, one might ask, should we characterize the discourse of nationalism (or nation-building, for that matter) in terms of its ability to inspire feelings of hallowedness or haunted-ness? Perhaps we can take the argument of Rolando Tolentino, in his essay Pitong Welgista ang Napatay, which puts into question the sensitivity of love and hatred as being conflated already, the intensity of such emotions so equal in its capacity to imbalance and violate the normal, natural existence of the lover and the beloved that its ambiguity inspires simultaneously, though unconsciously, tremendum et fascinosum which cannot be identified whether it be because of orgasmic pleasure or of horrifying terror. And it is in this light, we shall see, that the spectre that haunts national imagining is that same phenomenon of conflation that presupposes and blurs the dichotomy of love and hatred, this time confusing creation with destruction and how it consists the struggle of the post-colonial being in striving to claim one’s own space in the world.

Using spectres as a metaphor or a conduit of human desire for expression when communication seems impossible is among the characteristics of subversive and emancipatory movements. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels opened the Manifesto of the Communist Party with a foreboding that seems to have been only imagined, conceived and given life in the depths of the hell where the proletariat has been kept bound, “the spectre that haunts Europe, the spectre of communism.” Even our own prime Filipino patriot, Jose Rizal y Mercado, in illustrating the anguish that is experienced by the Creole displaced in mainland Spain and even in the Philippine colony, has chosen to show Ibarra as haunted by the spirit of his wronged father at the throes of mortality, and then later being torn giving the presumed primacy of Madre Patria between Spain and what he feels is his true homeland, the Philippines.

The mirage that is projected through the spectre reeks of something unwelcome, something that has been forcibly eliminated yet is now governed by its own will to return, to manifest oneself once more, and therefore seek to actualize its presence despite its limitations, its non-corporeality. The spectre is there not to simply communicate a message, but seeks to bend the will of those who see it to its bidding, as might be gleaned from the evolution of Hamlet to an incomprehensible, therefore un-“decodable”, and therefore invincible being after conversing with the presumed ghost of his father. As a somewhat perverse embodiment of the Spirit that G. W. F. Hegel has defined as Phenomenon, the person that embodies the blurring of distinction between the world of ideas and the concrete world, the spectre seeks to actualize where it came from, what it is now, and how it shall be in the future in the futility of no longer existing in time but is now one with time. Its desire for communion can no longer be adequately satisfied by finite means, being in a sense going towards the infinite already.

Nationalism as sought to be achieved by former colonies, as a product of modernity, is a rejection of traditions past, traditions which they claim to have been determined for them by their colonial masters. They are operating under the presumption that they, progressing towards an inevitable flow of history, were interrupted in their potential evolution by the meddling of colonial masters. Thus, select emancipatory movements would seek to restore the pre-colonial being that their people have supposedly been in, the pure native condition (again, harkening back to Rousseauvian hallucinations). Yet as Nick Joaquin in Culture and History would argue, the act of intervention, that moment of contact is already an irreversible phenomenon, history being a sequential abstraction in flow with time, which moves forward towards eternity. To claim and attempt to restore the pre-colonial is as presumptuous as Lucifer’s ambition to displace the Creator: the finite attempting to conquer that which is beyond their capacity to even comprehend. Nationalism, therefore, is also haunted by the desire for articulation of an identity, one which, like innocence, once lost, can never be reclaimed in its purest form. One could only seek to renegotiate the relationship between those nationalities that have been “tainted” by the domination of other nationalities, mutually reinforcing their evolution without the certainty of their paths diverging. In a somewhat mundane insight, one could pick out the scalding verses of performer Stefani Germanotta (better known as “Lady Gaga”) as illustrative of a society’s haunted desire to reclaim itself from those who have crossed their way:

I want your ugly, I want your disease
I want your everything as long as it’s free…

I want your horror, I want your design
‘Cuz you’re a criminal as long as you’re mine…

I want your love and I want your revenge
You and me could write a bad romance
I want your love and All your lover’s revenge
You and me could write a bad romance…

In seeking to recognize itself through consciousness, the nation as a corporeal, imagined body is therefore assaulted as well of the inherent trappings of imagined bodies. Despite seeking to establish itself as the patria grande, one can only do so with the grudging tolerance of the patria chicas, the local hometowns. This fiction has been established through the romanticization of natality and even the romanticization of the tomb, and thus can only borrow its hallowedness from the fiction of tombs.

AHAS GALING SA BAUL... NGA BA?

(o kung papaano natin dapat tanawin ang balita ng deklarasyon ng pamahalaang Arroyo ng Batas Militar sa Maguindanao)
ni Hansley A. Juliano

Hindi nilikha ang sulating ito upang magbigay ng kasagutan, kundi upang ilatag ang mga tanong na dapat nating bantayan ang sagot.

Una, sinasabi sa ngayon ng GMA7 News na hindi raw totoo ang balitang ito batay sa pahayag ni Press Secretary Cerge Remonde, nguni't marahil dapat pa rin nating isulat para alam natin kung paano ba talaga marapat tanawin ang paggamit sa Batas Militar sa ating panahon. Iminumungkahi kong kung tinatamad kayo magbasa, laktawan ang mga block quote.

Nabalita lamang ito kamakailan, sa pamamagitan ng ABS-CBN News, na nilagdaan ni Pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nitong gabi ng Disyembre 2 ang kautusang naglalagay sa lalawigan ng Maguindanao sa ilalim ng Batas Militar. Maaari nating sabihing ang trigger sa sitwasyong ito ay ang mga balitang sumambulat kaninang umaga, na ibinabahagi ng Philippine Star:

Amid reports that martial law will be imposed today in Maguindanao, government forces raided several homes of the Ampatuan clan, seizing weapons and ammunition that police said were enough to arm an entire battalion.

On Thursday, military and police teams raided the mansion of Datu Unsay Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr., principal suspect in the Nov. 23 massacre in Maguindanao, seizing several high-powered guns and stockpiles of ammunition hidden in a compartment under a concrete stairway of the house.

...

The searches went on until yesterday when the raiding teams uncovered more than 260 boxes of ammunition of assorted calibers, 22 assault rifles, customized sniper rifles, handguns and various gun accessories that were buried in a vacant lot adjacent to the houses of Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan and his father, former Maguindanao Gov. Andal Ampatuan Sr.

Philippine National Police (PNP) chief Director General Jesus Verzosa said the number of firearms seized was enough to arm 1,000 troops, or a battalion of soldiers or policemen.

Some of the weapons and crates of ammunition uncovered bore “government arsenal” markings as well as the name of its manufacturer, Arms Corp. of the Philippines (Armscor), with the manufacture date stamped October 2008.

...

Lawmen also unearthed gun replacement parts and several military uniforms at the site about the size of a basketball court.

Verzosa said the search for more weapons is continuing.

ANG SITWASYON: nakatagpo ng lehitimong ebidensya ng mga private army ng mga Ampatuan, na siyang maysala sa naganap na mga pamamaslang sa Maguindanao noong Nobyembre 23. Diumano'y kailangan ng malakas na sangay tagapagpaganap upang madisarmahan ang lahat ng ito. Dulot nito, kailangan maglatag ng Batas Militar sa Maguindanao.

Marahil maraming mga mambabasa, sa pagkarinig sa pariralang "naglalagay... sa ilalim ng Batas Militar," ang posibleng mabigla, magalit, o MAGWALA sa potensyal na ang deklarasyong ito ay kumalat sa iba pang lalawigan, o maski sa buong bansa. Kasabay ng katotohanang tatakbo si Pangulong Arroyo sa pagka-Kinatawan ng Pampanga, marahil mayroon nang naghaharaya na patungo na ito sa posibleng PAX (o mas okey sigurong BELLA) GLORIA. O sa maikli't kolokyal na salita, "ARROYO FOREVER!"

Maski ako ay nabigla at napaisip na pwede na natin sigurong ipapatay ang Pangulong ito. Nguni't baka naman nagiging OA tayo.

Kalikutin natin ang balita mula sa ABS-CBN:

While martial law is in effect, Lt. Gen. Raymundo Ferrer, armed forces Eastern Mindanao commander, will take over from Maguindanao Gov. Andal Ampatuan Sr., one of the suspects in the massacre, as the provincial military governor.

Asked to comment on the report, Presidential Adviser on Mindanao Affairs Jesus Dureza said: "I'll get back to you if there's definite word... Usually, martial law declaration is not announced until action starts on the ground. Otherwise, the purpose and objective is lost..."

Mapupuna mo nang malabung-malabo ang sirkumstansiya o mga pumapalibot na kaganapan sa paglikha nito. Magdududa ka na sa simula pa lang. Hindi na bago ang mga proklamasyong inihayag nang palihim a sa ilalim ng gabi sa rehimeng ito; tandaan ang ilang mga executive order na bigla na lang gumulantang sa ating mga dyaryo pagdating ng umaga. Tandaan ding nagngalit tayo sa paglaban sa Con-Ass na nilakad ng mga Kinatawan nang malapit nang pumalo ang hatinggabi. Marapat ding tandaang MAY STATE OF EMERGENCY SA MAGUINDANAO, SAMAKATUWID HAWAK NA MISMO NG PANGULO ANG PAMAMAHALA DITO. May predisposisyon na tayong paghinalaan at labanan ang anumang sabihin ng pamahalaan dahil napaso na tayo, lagi tayong niloloko, SAWA NA TAYO.

PERO BAKA EMOSYONAL LANG TAYO. Emosyonal dahil nais talaga nating malaman ang buong detalye, dahil pampublikong usapin ito at hindi dapat isinasapribado ang impormasyon.

Batay sa mga probisyon ng Saligang Batas ng 1987:

Section 18. The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of all armed forces of the Philippines and whenever it becomes necessary, he may call out such armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion. In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial law. Within forty-eight hours from the proclamation of martial law or the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, the President shall submit a report in person or in writing to the Congress. The Congress, voting jointly, by a vote of at least a majority of all its Members in regular or special session, may revoke such proclamation or suspension, which revocation shall not be set aside by the President. Upon the initiative of the President, the Congress may, in the same manner, extend such proclamation or suspension for a period to be determined by the Congress, if the invasion or rebellion shall persist and public safety requires it.

The Congress, if not in session, shall, within twenty-four hours following such proclamation or suspension, convene in accordance with its rules without need of a call.

The Supreme Court may review, in an appropriate proceeding filed by any citizen, the sufficiency of the factual basis of the proclamation of martial law or the suspension of the privilege of the writ or the extension thereof, and must its decision thereon within thirty days from its filing.

Kung paiikliin natin ang sinasabi nito, marapat raw na sa loob 48 na oras pagkadeklara ng Batas Militar ay mapagdesisyunan na ng Kongreso kung pahihintulutan o pipigilin ang pag-iral ng Batas Militar. Kung pigili'y hindi ito puwedeng suwayin ng Pangulo, nguni't kung pahintuluta'y nasa pasya ng Kongreso kung patatagalin o paiikliin. Kung babalikan natin ang sinabi ni Tagapagsalita ng Kapulungan Prospero Nograles mula sa balita ng ABS-CBN News:

Nograles said: "Martial law can be impractical at this time as it requires the approval of Congress, which will most likely have difficulty mustering a quorum due to the holidays and the election season. Even if we have a quorum, I don't think our senators and congressmen will favor this because it will certainly cause public uproar which can endanger their reelection bid."

"A limited state of emergency in Maguindanao and nearby provinces is sufficient to address the problem related to the Maguindanao massacre," he added.

Lumalabas, masyadong problematiko kung pagpapasyahan ng Kongreso ito diumano sa panahon ng halalan. Nguni't hindi marahil malayong isipin na nagpapalusot lamang ang mga Kongresistang ito dahil ayaw na nila maabala, at papabayaan na lamang na naman nila ang bayang hindi nila pinaglilingkuran. Subali't tandaang tila wala ring alternatibong chain of command na maaaring sumalo sakaling hindi nga makapagpulong ang Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan. Samakatuwid, MAY PROBLEMA RING KONSTITUSYONAL. Nguni't hintayin natin ang pasya ng mga may kaalaman sa batas konstitusyonal, katulad ni P. Joaquin Bernas, S.J.

Ang pangunahing dapat nating gawin ay hindi ang magwala sa terminong BATAS MILITAR na para bang isang multo, kundi magtanong kung HINDI BA TALAGA SUKAT PA ANG ISANG STATE OF EMERGENCY? Hindi ba maaaring maglatag at mag-organisa na lamang ng Komisyong Tagapamahala ng mga may kakayanan sa public administration na walang kiling partisano, at hindi na gumamit ng puwersa ng armas? Kung sasabihing OA ANG MAMAMAYAN MAG-REACT, HINDI BA MAS OA ANG SOLUSYONG ITO?

At magtataka ka: ang pinaglilinis ng kalat na ito ay ang mismong institusyong maysala dito: ANG SANDATAHANG LAKAS. Kung lumalabas na parehong maysala sa sabwatan ang mga Ampatuan at ang Sandatahang Lakas, bakit hindi sila parehong patawan ng naglilimita ng kapangyarihan?

Nguni't muli, ako'y nagtatanong lamang para sa isang sambayanang nilubog sa kamangmangan sa batas.

Sa isang kalagayan na naglalabo-labo ang mga probisyon ng batas sa ganitong pagkakataon, hindi madaling maglatag ng pasya. Ito lamang ang alam natin: KAILANGAN MAWASAK ANG MGA PRIVATE ARMY. KAILANGAN MAWALA ANG ISANG SISTEMANG SULTANISTIKO. Pero kahina-hinala na isang di-demokratikong solusyon ang sagot sa isang di-demokratikong problema. Ang ating dapat gawin: MAGHINTAY, MAGBANTAY, UMUNAWA.

Sulit

Sulit na ang masigaw-sigawan ng gurong madaling makalimot ng iniisip
Basta alam niyang meron kang natututunan at mukha kang nag-iisip
Sulit na ang magsalita nang hindi ka binibigyan ng dagdag na puntos
Tutal hindi ang markado ang pangmatagalang sukat ng galing.
Sulit na ang magkandalintik-lintik na ang isip ko sa pagbabasa
Lalo't ang babaunin namang pang-unawa'y panghabambuhay
Sulit na ang maubusan ng baong wala sa oras sa pamimili
Pagka't ang paglalaanan naman ay siyang pinakahuli
Sulit na ang magkasalubong at mamasdan ang iyong ngiti...
Dahil oo nga naman pala, kahit hindi ako, pag-ibig mananatili.

Welcoming and Living Through the Season of Advent

As members of the Roman Catholic Church, we are invited to another year of service and living out the commandments of God through his son Jesus Christ. We define Advent, as per Newadvent.org, as the season which begins the Liturgical year. We quote:

During this time the faithful are admonished

• to prepare themselves worthily to celebrate the anniversary of the Lord's coming into the world as the incarnate God of love,
• thus to make their souls fitting abodes for the Redeemer coming in Holy Communion and through grace, and
• thereby to make themselves ready for His final coming as judge, at death and at the end of the world.

In many ways, Advent, if we are going to take to heart the implications and the traditions which are embedded in Catholic faith, is not at all characterized by the highly-materialisti c, highly-consumptive and highly-promiscuous (I will justify the usage of such words) sashaying and bacchanalia of wastage and consumption that almost if not all our media advertisements and shopping malls have led us to believe. Advent, in a sense, is not supposed to be about a feast: it is about trembling, about anxiety, about an urgency to reform one's life in light of being a resident of the world's "valley of tears." The onslaught of Christmas is not about the reindeers, it is not about Saint Nicholas (who by the way was already stricken off the Calendar of Saints), it is not about the mistletoes where all our hormanal imbalances are let loose, it is ESPECIALLY NOT ABOUT GIFTS, but about looking at how destitute our lives, whether we be materially sufficient, overflowing, or lacking, without the grace of God moving us into this Earthly existence.

To observe Advent, in a sense, is not at all to be deluded into memories of childhood innocence nor an excuse to affluence. In fact, we are invited to put away our vanities, our desires, and try looking at what we have done to merit being part of the Holy Catholic Church. The I, as invited to participate in Advent, should not find relaxation in Advent from the cyclical and day-to-day activities. In fact, Advent should be an evaluative and formative period: looking back at how we fared as Christians, what we have accomplished doing, where we have failed or faltered, and what could be done to remedy them and/or to go further what we have accomplished.

It is not surprising, given our concupiscence, that we shall find in most of our actions failures to reach out and live out what Christ really means and asks us to be. But this should not discourage us. We should always strive to improve, labor, work and act (the last three words having a lot of differences as Hannah Arendt, a Jew, in her book The Human Condition has outlined; the first for sustenance, the second for utility, and the third for community-building) . It is a tiring and demanding experience, yes, but then again salvation from our sinful condition was never easy to begin with. St. Augustine was not alien to it and wholly embraced it, as in this paraphrase by Bukas Palad:

Kay tagal bago Kita minahal
Gandang sinauna at sariwa
Akong nilikha Mo, uuwi rin sa 'Yo
Ako'y papayapa lamang sa piling Mo

But I do not, at all, attempt to depress the living daylights out of everyone with what I am saying. We do acknowledge our Lord Jesus's pronouncement himself that our laboring should be done with a smile and joyful praise to God. But the danger of always of thinking about what is joyful in the Catholic life might blind us to the necessary pains and sacrifices it entails, as what most of us who are still very much stunted in the Faith are prone to be. In seeking the joys and pleasures of life, we have traded off the road less traveled but should be for salvation and righteousness. There must be balance, indeed. We must remember, as John 3:16 immortally reminds us that God sent his only begotten son to save us and grant us eternal life. Therefore, in the same way we shall prepare all our gifts to our beloveds, we should also prepare ourselves for the accounting of Christ with regards to our duties as our brothers' and sisters' keepers.

Siklo ng Karahasan

Pagmumuni-muni sa malamig-lamig na pagngangalit ng taumbayang Pilipino sa pamamaslang sa 57 tao sa Maguindanao sa ilalim ng mga Ampatuan
ni Hansley A. Juliano

Para sa isang tunay na pangkating subaltern, na ang pagkakakilanlan ay ang kanilang ka-Ibahan, walang di-makakatawang suhetong subaltern na makikilala’t makakapagsalita para sa kanyang sarili; ang solusyon ng intelektwal ay di ang magpigil sa pagkatawan. May suliranin pagka’t ang layon ng suheto ay di matagpuan upang maganyak ang kakatawang intelektwal.

- Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Can the Subaltern Speak?

Hindi na ako magtataka kung marami sa nakatanggap ng mga balita ukol sa mga pamamaslang sa 57 na mga tao, kabilang ang mga 13 mamamahayag sa Maguindanao ay batiin ng tila pagkasanay o kawalang-pakialam ang balitang ito. Kung magpapahayag ng pagkagitla, pagkabagabag, o pagkagalit sa usaping ito ay puwedeng-puwede nating ikahon sa tatlong uri ng tugon:

Shit.

Oh god, so sad. There's just too many evils in the world. I cry... (LOL)

Fuck these Muslim pigs! They deserve to die! Go President Arroyo!

Itong mga kaisipang ito ang siyang nagpapanatili, nagpapatibay, at siyang nagpapalaganap sa mga ganitong pamamaslang. Itong hegemonya ng kamangmangan, kawalang-kaalaman at kawalang-pakialam, kung tutuusin, ang siyang pinakamabuti't matatag na tanggulan ng mga ganitong mapangwasak at mapanupil na sistematikong karahasan hindi lamang sa Maguindanao, kundi pati na sa buong kapuluan kung tutuusin. Napakaraming mga pagkakataon nang tayo ay nakarinig ng mga usapin ukol sa mga patayan, sa mga kawalang-katarungan, sa pagtatanggol ng kulungang estado sa kanyang mga galamay na naghahari-harian sa ating lupain, at sa mga pagnanasa nating ipatimbuwal ang mga sistema’t kulturang ito na pumapatay sa ating mga walang-malay at makatarungang mga kapatid.

Hindi ko malaman kung ano nga ba ang dapat kong sabihin bilang isang aba’t mangmang na manunulat sa harap ng mga ganitong usapin, sa totoo lamang. Napakahirap, napakasakit, at nakapanginginig ng laman ang bawa’t detalyeng aking naririnig sa bawa’t balitang aking natatanggap. Sa sobrang dami na ng aking nakita’t nabasa’t narinig, akala ko naiintindihan ko na ang mga suliranin sa isyu ng separatismo at kung bakit hindi na talaga makaahon sa isteryotipo ng kaguluhan ang Muslim Mindanao. Pero sabi nga ni Socrates: “sa mga sandaling akala mo’y alam mo na ang lahat ay doon ka walang alam, at sa sandaling aminin mong wala kang alam ay doon ka makakaunawa.” Alam na nating ang mga suliranin sa Muslim Mindanao ay historikal, institusyonalisado at kaakibat na ng kultura ng represyon sa mga Moro sa loob ng mahigit 500 taon. Nguni’t ang hindi natin alam (o marahil ayaw aminin at harapin) ay ang katotohanang ang mismong pamumuhay na ating ipinagmamalaki sa ating mga kalunsuran, sa rehiyon ng kabisera, ang Metro Manila, ang siya mismong sanhi ng mga kaguluhang ito, at kung bakit hindi magiging madali kahit pa sa loob ng sampung salinlahi ang ibigkis muli ang Mindanao sa ating pagtatayo ng isang tunay na matibay na estado.


Salamat sa Imperyong Maynila

Naniniwala akong lahat tayo ay biktima ng nakaraan. Pinatunayan na ng kasaysaysan na kasalanan ng imperyalistang Estados Unidos mula pa noong panahon ng kolonisasyon na malaking pagkakamaling ipilit ang integrasyon ng Mindanao sa binubuong bansang-estado (nation-state) sa pamamagitan ng migrasyon na itinadhana ng Homestead Act. Naniniwala pa rin akong napakahirap sa mga taga-Mindanao ang sumunod sa mga patakarang itinatatag ng isang pamahalaang nakasentro lamang sa Maynila at sa mga iilang naghaharing-uri, lalo’t hawak sila sa leeg ng mga naghaharing-uring ito. Hindi madaling ituro na kasalanan lamang ng mga hari-hariang ito ang kasalukuyang kalagayan: napakahina rin naman kasi ng pagnanasa natin na piliing isatinig ang mga hinaing ng mga hindi makapagsalita. Walang ibang paglalabasan ng mga hinaing ang mga taga-Maguindanao. Kinakailangan, sa mga ganitong pagkakataon ang ating kahandaang sundin ang payo ni Karl Marx: “ang proletaryo ay sa gayon hindi maigigiit ang kanilang interés pang-uri sa kanilang sariling pangalan, maging sa parliyamento o isang pagpupulong. Hindi nila maisasakatawan ang kanilang mga sarili, kailangan silang katawanin.”

Napakasaklap na kahit galit ang mass media sa kawalang-katarungang ito, nakakayamot pa rin ang kanilang paimbabaw na pagtanaw sa naganap na mga patayan. Mayroong tila baga maalab na pagnanasa ang media na ipaalam sa mga manonood at patron ang katotohanan sa likod ng mga detalye, pero sa totoo lang may nararamdaman akong pagkakalas sa kanilang mga tinig, isang obhetibong etika na matagal nang iwinaksi ng mga progresibong pahayagan. Hindi ko alam kung sadya lamang nanlulumo si Ted Failon noong umaga ng Nobyembre 25 sa kanyang palabas sa DZMM, pero hindi maganda ang dating sa akin ng sinabi niyang “kung magpapatayan kayong mga magkakalabang pamilya puwede ba kayo na lang? Hindi may nadadamay pang iba!” Totoo, tama naman na hindi makatarungang idamay ang ibang tao sa gulo ng may gulo, lalo na kung pinili na ng mga ito na huwag makisali sa mga ganitong gulo. Pero, tandaan natin na ang usapin ng patayan sa Maguindanao ay isang usaping pampubliko. Hindi tayo basta-basta lamang pwedeng sumaisantabi at sabihing karapatan nating hindi makialam. Hindi naman sa ating ipinapalubog ang ating sarili sa blob of the We na kinokondena ni Ayn Rand, pero ang ganitong usapin ay hindi isang bagay na dapat piliin nating huwag magakaroon ng sasabihin o pananagutan.


Hindi Na Ito Usapin ng Paradigm Shift

Kababawan at kamangmangan ang sabihing ang patayan sa Maguindanao ay bunga ng relihiyosong konserbatismo o panatisismo ng Islam sa Muslim Mindanao. Sa katotohanan, ni hindi nga Muslim ang mga kamay na nagpakilos sa mga Ampatuan at kanilang mga tao upang gawin ang hindi kayang ilarawan ng mahihina ang puso. Tandaan muli natin na nananatili ang konsepto ng strong man sa ating kamalayan dahil isa ito sa mga pinanghahawakan ng ilan sa ating mga teknokrata’t burukrata na konsepto ng Asian-style democracy mula sa dating Punong Ministro ng Singapore Lee Kuan Yew, kung saan ang awtoritaryanismo ay mahalaga. Nguni’t tandaang ang Singapore ay lubog sa paggawa ng isang haka-hakang kasaysayan kahit sa katotohanan isa lamang itong kalas na lungsod ng Malaysia, kaya’t hindi nararapat na paghulmahan ng mga pananaw-Pilipino sa pamamahala.

Nguni’t higit pa roon, nariyan din ang pagnanais ng mga naghaharing-uri na bigyan ng historikal na lehitimasyon ang kanilang kapangyarihan, kahit wala na sa pinanghahawakang ideyal ng estado. Soberanyang kapangyarihan na walang-likat at mapaghiganti ang namamayani sa ating mga lalawigang hindi makontrol nang epektibo ng pambansang kapangyarihan gamit ang Sandatahang Lakas o ng Pambansang Kapulisan. Kaya may basbas ng estado ang mga strong man na kagaya ng mga Marcos at Crisologo ng Ilocos, ang mga Remulla ng Cavite, si Hagedorn ng Palawan, ang mga Lobregat ng Zamboanga, si Rodrigo Duterte ng Davao, at una pa sa mga Ampatuan, si Ali Dimaporo ng Maguindanao. Kapag nakasalalay na sa mga mersenaryo ang pagpapanatili ng “kaayusan” sa estado, hindi ka na magtataka kung bakit supot at walang pangil ang estadong hawakan at parusahan sila sa pangambang iwan sila ng mga ito, at mapunta ang mga botong kinikikil nila sa mga mamamayan sa kanilang mga kalaban.

At sino nga ba ang mga Ampatuan upang kanilang pangahasang gawin ito? Tandaang sina Andal Ampatuan Sr., at ang kanyang mga anak na sina Zaldy at Andal Jr. (na siyang itinuturong mastermind) ay itinuring ni Pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo na kanyang pinakamatibay na kakampi sa Timog. Karugtong na nito ang mga pangalang Virgilio Garcellano at Lintang Bedol, na kung naaalala pa natin ay ang mga komisyoner ng COMELEC sa Maguindanao na naging sentro ng mga pandaraya: ang una sa halalang pampanguluhan noong 2004, at ang huli sa pinagtatalunang upuan sa Senado nina Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III at ng naluklok na si Miguel Zubiri noong 2007. Makikita ang pagkiling ng administrasyong ito sa maraming aspeto, at ang pamamaslang na ito (na iginigiit ng mga tagapagsalita sa Malacañang na nararapat paraanin muna sa due process) ay hindi na natin inaasahang ikokondena ng Malacañang. Anupaman ang sabihin, sisikapin nilang palusutin ito.


Isipan at Pagkilos

Ayokong manisi sa mga ganitong pagkakataon ng pighati sa aking mga kababayang nananatili pa rin sa kanilang mga patetiko’t walang kuwentang buhay at pinipiling maglagalag na lamang sa Facebook, Plurk (kagaya ko, alam ko) at kung ano pang mga pansariling kapakanan nila. Gusto ko pa ring maniwalang sila ay mga biktima at preso lamang ng isang kapitalista’t disiplinaryong lipunan na walang-patumanggang nililinlang sila na ayos lamang ang manatiling walang ginagawa.

Pero nais ko lamang magtanong: kailangan pa bang maipit ka sa panahon ng kagipitan para lamang makalubog sa karanasan ng mga inaapi? Bakit nga ba napakareaksyunaryo lamang ng ating mga pagkilos sa mga komunidad at hindi progresibo, na makakalimutan din pagkatapos ng ilang linggo kagaya ng ipinagmamalaki nating pagtulong sa mga nasalanta ng mga sunud-sunod na bagyong Ondoy at Pepeng? Naniniwala akong ang pagsusumikap ng ating mga kabahagi sa pagbabanyuhay ay sapat na dapat upang gawing masikhay sa pagkilos ang sampung salinlahi. Nguni’t ang nakikita natin ngayon ay isang kabataang lubog sa mga pagnanasa at unti-unting pinipiling wasakin ang kanyang sarili, habang ang mundong kanyang ginagalawan ay patungo rin sa pagkawasak sa pamamayani ng mga halimaw at ganid sa parang.

Minsang ibinahagi sa akin ng mga kasama sa Agham Politikal: ang kawalang-kapangyarihan ang bagong kawalang-pakialam (“disempowerment is the new apathy”). Hindi ako naniniwala sa anumang estadistika, dito man o sa ibang bansa, na magsasabing ang Pilipinas ay maraming demokratikong institusyon, sapagka’t kung totoo iyon hindi masasaling kahit isang buhok ng mga napaslang sa Maguindanao. Hindi ko naman maimungkahi na magtuon tayo lahat ng ating pagkilos sa mga rally, vigil at iba pang aktibidad ng civil society dahil higit sa lahat, ang usapin natin ay hindi ang mga mamamayan kundi ang pagiging kriminal ng isang administrasyon na nagkakanlong sa mga naghaharing-uri na takasan ang kanilang historikal responsibilidad sa angaw-angaw na salinlahi ng mga inapi. Kaya kung aking tatanungin ang tanong ni Vladimir Lenin at Andres Bonifacio, “ano ang dapat gawin?” hindi rin ako makapagbigay ng pangmatagalang kalutasan.

Nguni’t naririyan ang pag-asa. May magagawa kahit papaano ang sinuman para manatili sa ating kamalayan bilang bansa ang trahedyang ito at mapigilan nating huwag nating maulit ito. Sulatan niyo ang inyong mga kinatawan sa pamahalaang lokal at kahit na sa walang-silbing Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan upang yanigin sila, at makita nila, na hindi kulong sa mga sulok ng Metro Manila ang konsepto ng pagkamamamayang Pilipino. Magsulat kayo. Magbasa ng diyaryo o ng mga balita sa internet. Harapin na natin ang pangit na katotohanan at hayaang masunog sa ating mga isipan ang mga larawan ng mga winasak na katawan at ginahasang mga pagkatao ng 57 mga biktima. Walang pagbabanyuhay na madali, pulido at malinis; lagi itong maligalig. At sa panahon ng ligalig, isang kasalanan ang manatiling nakatanga’t walang ginagawang pinag-isipan.

Pinakamabigat ang kasalanan ng mga Ampatuan. Mabigat ang irresponsibilidad ng kasalukuyang administrasyon. Nguni’t hindi natin dapat kalimutan na tayo ay may kinalaman at kasalanan, sa ating kawalang-pagkilos sa pananatili ng mga institusyong walang katarungan.

In Belated Remembrance of Christ, the King

We have to remember that our concept of the Kingdom of God is, definitely, neither a concrete nor a political entity. It has this peculiar characteristic of being expected "to come into this world" yet "not of this world." As such, it is not at all to be expected to be understood by human terms of sovereignty. Pope Benedict XVI has already reiterated that the Kingdom of God is established not by coercive forces, its sovereignty and authority not maintained by subjugation but by the exemplary example and practices of virtue.

Thus, the Kingship of Christ is not at all a life of glory and dominance: in fact, the ultimate manifestation of the Kingship of Christ is in the symbol of human's perception of destruction and defeat: the Cross. Yet I remember those lines of Fr. Horacio de la Costa in his timeless piece The Two Standards (which I am pretty confident most of the "true-blue" Ateneans are aware of):

Christ ... invites all to fight under His Standard. But He offers no worldly allurement; only Himself. Only Jesus; only the Son of Man; born an outcast, raised in poverty, rejected as a teacher, betrayed by His friend, crucified as a criminal. But Jesus, the Son of Man, is also Jesus, the Son of God. And therefore His followers shall not be confounded forever; they are certain of ultimate victory; against them, the gates of Hell cannot prevail. The powers of darkness shall splinter before their splendid battalions. Battle-scarred but resplendent, they shall enter into glory with Christ, their king.

Thus is the challenge among us, we who have chosen to go through this life of pilgrimage within a world that has rejected God's call to value the things that remain when all else are ephemeral: FIDES, SPES ET CARITAS. It is that conviction that we must carry on with our lives, despite the persecution of a world too engrossed and blinded by its own constructs (as per Ecclesiastes 7:29: "Behold, only this have I found out: God made mankind straight, but men have had recourse to many calculations. "). We know we have a lot to fix when we see that those we have condemned to damnation due to being outside the Church are actually those who live out the teachings of Christ, and we who profess to be children of God are carried away by the allures and temptations of the world, no better than the Jews of old. I thus remember the poem Open Letter to Filipino Artists by an Atenean, then-leading Leftist cadre Emmanuel Lacaba:

We are tribeless and all tribes are ours.
We are homeless and all home are ours.
We are nameless and all names are ours.
...

The road less travelled by we've taken...
And that has made all the difference;
The barefoot army of the wilderness
We all should be in time.
Awakened the masses are messiah.
Here among workers and peasants
Our lost generation has found its true, its only home.

It was quite beautiful and nostalgic to remember, as Fr. Thomas Steinbugler, S.J. has mentioned in his homily at mass last Monday at the Gonzaga Chapel, that we commemorate the martyred Mexican Jesuit Fr. Miguel Pro at his death last November 23, 1927. When Fr. Pro was about to be executed, he shouted that defiant cry of VIVA CRISTO REY, affirming a lifetime of commitment to the faith, even to the bitter end.

A CRITICAL ANNOTATION OF Resolution No. 20091103 of the Sanggunian

by Hansley A. Juliano

A brief review of the resolution, its totalitarian (therefore anti-democratic) nature and why it is not a just mode of action to express citizenship

The Sanggunian ng mga Mag-Aaral ng Pamantasang Ateneo de Manila has recently released Resolution No. 20091103 which purportedly calls “ALL ELECTED OFFICIALS OF THE SANGGUNIAN NG MGA MAG-AARAL TO INTROSPECT ON INSTITUTIONAL COMMITMENTS FOR THE 2010 NATIONAL ELECTIONS.” At face value it would appear as a manifesto to uphold democratic participation, but a closer look would show that it is a quite problematic, even immature, statement of the Atenean’s perception regarding political participation. We quote in length from the manifesto:

3. WHEREAS, the Sanggunian as an institution, in recognizing the rightful and vital role of the Filipino youth in national efforts to advance and preserve freedom, democracy, human rights, national dignity and interest, social justice, unity, peace, and development in Philippine society, has the responsibility to raise the Ateneo student body’s critical awareness of and proactive response to issues and their root causes affecting the life of the nation and the Filipino people,

4. WHEREAS, the Sanggunian, as an institution, has the purpose of helping foster the social, political, cultural, and spiritual life of students; develop a University spirit and work for effective student participation in its activities; and to serve as the official coordinating channel of the students to democratic institutions,

5. WHEREAS, the Sanggunian, as an institution, took on the role of being at the forefront of Ateneo Task Force 2010 (ATF 2010) and upholds as one of its foremost ideals integrity, must remain committed to such,

6. WHEREAS, the Sanggunian, as part of its commitment to ATF 2010, continues to participate in the successive segments of Voters’ Registration, Voters’ Education, Voters’ Mobilization and Accountability Efforts and Engaged Citizenship.

The train of the Resolution already shows a decidedly suffrage-centric train. It appears as if the Ateneans’ collective understanding of social participation is already in its pinnacle manifestation with a focus for electoral participation. Yet the informal and the minute historical, cultural and ethical perspectives of most Ateneans, one that is not written down but seen in the text of their bodies, minds and values, shows a persistent fetish for private satisfaction, shying away from public participation. It is situated as such that any movement for social involvement, even including the programs of the Office for Social Concern and Involvement, only appears as mere apologetic moves, palliatives harking back the image of Pontius Pilates.

7. WHEREAS, the Sanggunian, as an institution, believes that to build the Filipino nation concretely includes engaging its democratic institutions by practicing the right to suffrage,

8. WHEREAS, the Sanggunian, as an institution, believes that commitments of the institution must be upheld by all units of this one body,

9. WHEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, the Sanggunian as an institution appeals to all its duly elected officials to reflect upon their commitment to the founding principles of the student council,

10. WHEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, the Sanggunian as an institution appeals to all its duly elected officials to recognize the greater cause enshrined in its constitution and to protect its integrity and commitment it adheres to,

These statements are pregnant with the exclusivist nature the Sanggu has been accused of possessing for a long time and what its past administration under Mr. Omar Castañar (AB DS 2009) has sought to do away with. It must remember that as per its name, and as mentioned above in paragraphs 3-4, its responsibility for formation is not only with regards to its officials but also to its constituents, the Ateneans themselves. There should be no presumptions of its leaders’ beliefs trickling down to the student body immediately, seeing how most of the Sanggunian’s movements are not at all reflective of the ideals of Ateneans themselves. In espousing a stance without exhorting Ateneans to hold them as well in a more intrusive and polarizing manner, we could not expect to make the student body affirm those they have supposedly elected to represent: a governing body who thinks making students eat canned goods is ideal to make them more receptive to public participation.

But what could be stated as, decidedly, anti-political, IS THIS:

11. WHEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, the Sanggunian as an institution does not in any way pass judgment on its duly elected members who have not registered in the national elections but seeks to be a co-formator to its constituents by providing an opportunity for personal discernment and personal action,

12. WHEREFORE, BE IT FINALLY RESOLVED, the Sanggunian as an institution upon immersed reflection, with open, honest, transparent dialogue, calls all its duly elected officials who have not registered for the 2010 Philippine national elections to consider tending their resignation,

This statement is a fatal, totalizing statement unworthy of a call regarding a promotion of democratic participation and action. It appears as if elections are the sum total of political participation and thus it is only the salvific point of democratic responsibility. John Stuart Mill has stated it impeccably in his Representative Government: “The pure idea of democracy, according to its definition, is the government of the whole people by the whole people, equally represented. Democracy as commonly conceived and hitherto practised is the government of the whole people by a mere majority of the people, exclusively represented. The former is synonymous with the equality of all citizens; the latter, strangely confounded with it, is a government of privilege, in favour of the numerical majority, who alone possess practically any voice in the State. This is the inevitable consequence of the manner in which the votes are now taken, to the complete disfranchisement of minorities.” In thinking that elections alone would become the lifeboat which will keep the practice of citizenship afloat, we are actually disenfranchising the responsibility to citizenship altogether.

This idea is precisely what the great thinkers of antiquity have strove to prevent by stressing that the good life is the political life: one that encompasses ethics, virtues and manner of living. Democratic activity is not summed up in the ballot or in the ostrakon, but in manifesting their responsibilities and respecting the laws of the land that are in accordance with the Constitution.

In singling out electoral participation as the end-all and be-all of citizenship, one would be falling to the fatal mistake of actually believing that it is only the vote that makes public life worthy. It is as problematic as the Hobbesian perception that only the sovereign (or for that matter, the “tyranny of the majority”) is the one responsible for the endless structuring of the state, decidedly excluding the voices that have been for so long “sub-alterned” by the repressive remnant systems of the Philippine garrison state. We cannot, in democratic and good faith, support such a resolution forcing our representatives in the Sanggunian to renounce their responsibilities as guides of the student body, their problematic understanding of political participation nonetheless, for it would be more destabilizing to the Ateneans’ ability to reflect their aspirations and their desire for legitimate reform and revolutionary means of practicing and living out their responsibility as Catholics, as Filipinos, and as Ateneans.

Notes on an Elementary Ethical Understanding of Labor

(The following is a potential guide blueprint for a discussion of the trinity of movement that Arendt discusses in The Human Condition. Please critique and contribute some points, as well as point out problematic issues or likely misconceptions).

Labor and work, for Hannah Arendt, are two distinct words as contextualized in her work The Human Condition: the first being a movement which produces products that could be easily consumed and the other one turning out works of craftsmanship seen to stand the test of time. Despite sharing the likely similar ancestor, the Latin word labore which puts forward the image of the person in the movement as being incorporated into the process of creation, they have evolved into highly different denotions. LABOR has been classically shown to be of a “slavish nature,” present in “all occupations that served the needs for the maintenance of life.” (THC 83). I cannot help but remember the character of an old fencing master, Don Manuel Escalante, in Isabel Allende’s rendering of the masked vigilante Zorro, which stated that “the only occupations worthy of a gentleman are those without tangible products.” In devoting oneself to the practices of labor, one would be indeed intimate, but nevertheless sucked up in the cycle of nature’s creation and destruction, one’s means of existence being as flitting as the wind of necessity and therefore dispensable. It is not probably without reason that one would be moved by Edwin Markham’s description of such a condition in his poem The Man with the Hoe.

With the ideal being presented as freedom from necessity, one might argue that Arendt is being elitist (as evidenced by Hannah Pitkin’s critique, Fry 57) in the sense that the practice of politics presupposes a certain level of wealth necessary, therefore exclusive, therefore anti-democratic as well. However, it would be an injustice to Arendt to claim such due to her very persistent stressing of a permanent necessity of pluralistic concerns, a means by which communal unity might be assured for the maintenance of the importance of the political life. It is unfortunate, we have to give it, but there are also opportunities of satisfaction to be had from practices of labor by which one partakes in being an animal laborans. (Fry 42). They may have an understanding that their condition and formation is suited for such an activity (which probably necessitated the mythology of elemental biology [i.e. rulers have qualities of gold while the participants of labor have qualities of bronze or iron] in Plato’s The Republic, 451a-c), which contributes to an organic view of the functioning of an ideal state. We might even think of it as actually consistent to our Christian understanding of vocation, in the sense that though they are put there as per ideas of predestination, they still choose to persist as practice of whatever little freedoms they have as slaves, and not commit suicide or choose to rebel and run away, bearing another proscription (as in the conflict discussed in the Epistle of Paul to Philemon). The reality remains, though, that in such conditions participants to labor are not considered persons worthy of public life as well, so that is, to use an economic term, an opportunity cost. It gives us an idea as to why it would not only be anti-democratic to forcefully emancipate people from their slavish duties as proponents of the radical Left are prone to, it would also upset the field of politics as discourse, elucidation and persuasion.

With such contexts and situations being understood, we see why labor is more often than not mostly related to the maintenance of the family, the private sphere by which most of us are given sustenance for the development of ourselves as participants in the public life. The danger, however, lies when labor has become the fetish for existence and accumulation, as Marx would appear to have noticed in Capital Volume 1:

… the means of production and subsistence, while they remain the property of the immediate producer, are not capital. They become capital only under circumstances in which they serve at the same time as means of exploitation and subjection of the labourer. But this capitalist soul of theirs is so intimately wedded, in the head of the political economist, to their material substance, that he christens them capital under all circumstances, even when they are its exact opposite.

If labor is characterized as already traipsing the fine line separating humans from animals, the fetish for labor as the very existence is an unhealthy assumption of the animalistic capacity of humankind. We might even dare to say it is a violation of the Machiavellian balance regarding virtu which in itself promotes the utilization of animalistic tendencies when the situation of necessity arises.

We must remember that labor is an essential tool, a stepping stone if you will, by which the practices of work and action are given potential to exist and therefore proliferate. The sustenance by which people outside the labouring force enjoy permits the fabricating or “working” nature of humans, the homo faber. As Arendt has succinctly proposed: “No work can be produced without tools, and the birth of homo faber and the coming into being of a man-made world of things are actually coeval with the discovery of tools and instruments.” (THC, 121). And yet work appears to be more destructive than labor due to its nature of “wrestling raw materials” from the Earth before being made into more stable fabrications. Though “labor, too, joins to nature something of man's own, but the proportion between what nature gives— the "good things"—and what man adds is the very opposite in the products of labor and the products of work.” (THC 103). Work, though essential to the fulfilment of praxis, is no less destructive, binding and, to a current perspective “dehumanizing” than labor.

Why I Still Hope For a Youth Revolution

Frankly, I have not been into writing much lately. Most of you know that I have been so bogged down by ideas and responsibilities and much shit has hit so many fans recently. However, they say that the Muse of Writing does drop by sometimes to give you a pinch and turn out some ideas sifting in your brain for a long time.

The following writing after the video jump is my response to the video "Lost Generation" by AARP, which was assigned as a point of discussion for our Th 131 discussion under Ms. Maria Elisa Borja. This is actually raw me: all my idealism bottled up and tempered by discourse waiting to explode for such a long time. Sure, they are not what you would expect to hear of me if you read my writings for about a year now, but I recall them.

I've come across these inspirational "bad pessimists then reverse to be optimist" messages for quite a while. On a formalist note, they look good. But it does not end there.

Now, on to my idea on this. I don't know if anyone will respond to this, this is quite long.

There are many grave problems that face the world that, more often than not, we are prone to just take them in stride, following the life-saving trait of the chameleon. We follow the conditions by which we find ourselves in to make us more pleasable, more acceptable to our societal constructs and the values of the world we were born in. "When in Rome, do what the Romans do, right?" I have had many elders telling me these since I was a child: "matuto kang makibagay. You cannot bend everyone to your will, let them be." Not one of us got the message of Rizal about the story of the moth and the flame: "the flame, though dangerous, is worth dying for."

Yes, they have promoted "stable societies." And they also have fueled lynch mobs.

True, I would not deny it, the youth are becoming more and more, at face value, apathetic and lethargic. They have elected to be more on the safe side, the side of authority, the good life. And in more ways than one, they are proud of it. They think of it as their privilege to be beyond issues of political participation because they have no stake in it, because they are of those sectors which do not have any supposed NEED, I stress, NEED to speak out against injustices and the problems of people. And they even have the gall to speak of them being among the Silent Majority, those who are content with the world as it is as if creation is so beautiful it ended at the seventh day when God rested, not knowing that they forebears have done every mentionable blunder to make our "pale blue dot," as Carl Sagan put it, awash with blood, "all to conquer a speck of dust on the face of the universe."

I have not seen it better than last Monday, the anniversary of the Hacienda Luisita massacre. With a handful of course mates we decried the 15 years of injustice that have been denied to tenants who have been gunned down mercilessly while all they did was to ask for rights, a peaceful dialogue for the preservation of a relationship of tenant-landlord towards a more developmental one. We sought to be heard and were met by blank stares and ridiculing smiles. I have not seen a more MANHID bunch of youth than here, to be quite blunt about. Forget about all your momentous Ondoy relief support, forget about your JEEP, forget your NSTP. When push comes to shove, when issues of justice come into play, when ideals are put to the test, I wonder if Ateneans really possess that sapientia et eloquentia the Jesuits have promised will impart to us.

But are they really apathetic? Are they really too habituated to be benumbed to the endless cries of a society in chains?

I do not think so. I believe the past four decades has done so much to form and rattle a hundred generations to become aware, to become stakeholders in the future of a world that will end but should be made to last while it can. But in the ensuing new world we have opened, our activists have been consumed by anger and thirst for equity they have lost their reason in a momentum that will leave them dead in our hinterlands. The state that has lost its legitimacy in our community has resorted to systematic repression, first by confrontaion, then by denying education to a majority of our countrymen. And the result of this is a generation that has been disillusioned from birth, a generation habituated to playing the safe side. A generation of spoiled brats of history, as a 14 year old Florianne Jimenez would write in the Philippine Daily Inquirer's Youngblood about six years ago.

But I still refuse to believe the youth is apathetic and lethargic. They know what is happening. They know what should be done. They know justice. But they are afraid. And they are disempowered. As a colleague of mine succinctly described: DISEMPOWERMENT IS THE NEW APATHY.

We have been so habituated to happiness we do not know how to be sad, and we are afraid of loneliness. We have been so habituated to be seeking comfort we have refused to become exposed to hardship even though it is what we need to steer a world on the twilight years of its existence. And when we are faced by hardships, we deny. We escape. We drown ourselves in vice only to feel. And then we snuff our own lives.

I don't think this is what God wanted with us when he gave us free will.

He would have wanted us to be inflamed. He would have wanted us to see His Son in the millions that die in our midst. He would want us to be at every parapet and tell every living soul in our midst to stop a while and ask ourselves: "Have you looked at your neighbor today." He would have wanted us to engage our emotions, have splagchnizomai.

HE WANTS US TO BE MAD.

I remember this clip from the film Network. The newscaster Howard Beale, in a fit of rage, told every person with a television what they should feel in times of challenges:

I don't have to tell you things are bad. Everybody knows things are bad. It's a depression. Everybody's out of work or scared of losing their job. The dollar buys a nickel's worth, banks are going bust, shopkeepers keep a gun under the counter. Punks are running wild in the street and there's nobody anywhere who seems to know what to do, and there's no end to it. We know the air is unfit to breathe and our food is unfit to eat, and we sit watching our TVs while some local newscaster tells us that today we had fifteen homicides and sixty-three violent crimes, as if that's the way it's supposed to be! We know things are bad - worse than bad, They're crazy! It's like everything everywhere is going crazy, so we don't go out anymore. We sit in the house, and slowly the world we are living in is getting smaller, and all we say is, 'Please, at least leave us alone in our living rooms. Let me have my toaster and my TV and my steel-belted radials and I won't say anything. Just leave us alone!' Well, I'm not gonna leave you alone! I want you to get MAD! I don't want you to protest. I don't want you to riot - I don't want you to write to your congressman because I wouldn't know what to tell you to write. I don't know what to do about the depression and the inflation and the Russians and the crime in the street. All I know is that first you've got to get mad! You've got to say, "I'm a HUMAN BEING, GODDAMNIT! My LIFE has VALUE!!" So, I want you to get up now. I want all of you to get up out of your chairs. I want you to get up right now, and go to the window, open it, and stick your head out and yell: "I'm as mad as hell, and I'm not going to take this anymore!!" I want you to get up right now, sit up, go to your windows, open them and stick your head out and yell - 'I'm as mad as hell and I'm not going to take this anymore!' Things have got to change. But first, you've gotta get mad!... You've got to say, 'I'm as mad as hell, and I'm not going to take this anymore!' Then we'll figure out what to do about the depression and the inflation and the oil crisis. But first get up out of your chairs, open the window, stick your head out, and yell, and say it: I'M AS MAD AS HELL, AND I'M NOT GOING TO TAKE THIS ANYMORE!!!

Sure, we need a clear thinking mind when we get down to the nitty-gritty of our problems, but I don't think anything can be solved without this seeming understanding of urgency. Hannah Arendt has stressed action with deliberation. I think we have been too reified by our desires for the good life. We think we are privileged, that like its namesake, this is Athens, the space of freedom where we can think of only ourselves without introspection and understanding of the necessities of those beyond us. But I think it is about time we have our katabasis, towards the Piraeus we just pass by and never contemplate on. It's about time we answer that faded cry of going down from the hill.

Why I Still Hope For a Youth Revolution by Hansley A. Juliano is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 Philippines License.
Based on a work at kalisnglawin.blogspot.com.